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THE y 



REORGE WASHINGTON, 

GOMMAl^DER IN CHIEF 



OF THB 

ARMIES OF THE UJ^ITED STATES OF AMERICA, 

THEOUGHOTTT THE WAR WHICH ESTAJRUSHIB THEIR 
AND 

^ FIRST PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 



BY DAVID RAMSAY, M. p. 

Author of ihiMistory of the American Revohiiion. 



FIFTH EDITION 
WITH SIX ENGRAVINGS. X 



BALTIMOBE: 

PUBLISHED BY JOSEPH CUSHlNi^ 

Berijairdu Edes, Prhiter. 



)F 



1818. 



^'-. ' 



DISTRICT OF .ZLIJIYLAJS'D, to wit: 
BE IT REMEMBERED, TJiat on this eighth day of Dccember,in the thirtyciglitli 
ytar of the independence of tlie United States of America, Joseph Cushing, of the said 
District, hath deposited in this office tlie title of a lKX)k, the right whei-eoi lie claims as 
J)roprietor. in the voids and figures following, to wit: 

"Tlie Life of GEORGE WASHINGTON, Commander in Chief of the Armies of the 
'•United States of America, ihionghout the War which established iheirindepen. 
"dence; and lirst President of the United States. Bv David Ramsay, M. D. Author 
••of the History of the American Revolution.— Fifth edition, with six engravings." 
In conformity of the act of tlie Congress of the United States, entitled, "An act for the 
encouragement of learnipg, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts and Books to the Au- 
thors and Proprietors of such copies during the limes therein mentioned;" and also to the 
act entitled, "An act supplementar)' to tlie act entitled, "An act for the encouragement of 
learning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts and Books to the Authors and Proprie- 
tors of sutli copies during the times therein mentioned," and extending the benefits there- 
of to the arts of desisning, engraving, and etching Historical and other Prints. 

PHILIP MOORE, 
Clerk •/ the Brstvict ef Marylertd. 






l 



TO 

THE YOUTH 

«F THE UKirED STATES, IN THE HOPE THAT, FROM TRE 

EXAMPLE 

OF THEIR COMMON FATHER. 
THEY WILL LEARN TO DO AND SUFFER 

WHATEVER 

THEIR COUNTRY'S GOOD 

^. irlAY REQUIRE AT THEIR HANDS, THE FOLLOWING LIFE OF 

GEOUGE WASHINGTON, 

IS MOST AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED 

£{/ the 

AUTUOIL 



€rONTENT3. V 

CHAPTER I. 

Of George Washington's birti', fanriily,, and education. Of his 
mission \.o the French conmandaut on the Ohio, in 1753. His 
mihtary operations as an officer of Virginia, from 1754 to 1758, 
and his subsequent employments to the commencement of the 
American revolution, - -p. 13 

CHAPTER H. 

Retrospect of the origin of the American revolutionary war. Of 
George Washington, as member of Congress, in 1774 and 1775. 
As commander in chief of the armies of the United Colonies 
in 1775 and 1776, and his operations near Boston, in tliese 
years, - -._.,-- V- ^T 

CHAPTER m. 
CJMPJIGjV of 1776. 
Of Uie operations of General Washington in New York and Neiv 
Jersey. The battle on Long Island. Th« retreat from York 
Island and through Jersey. The battles of Trenton and Prince- 
ton, - ... p. J? 

CHAPTER IV. 
a/lMP.IIGJ\' OF 1777. 
Of the operations of General Washington in New Jersey and Penn- 
sylvania, in the campaign of 1777. The battles of Brandy- 
wine and Germantown. Washington is advised by the Rev. Ja- 
cob Duche, to give up the contest. The distresses of the Ame- 
rican army. Its winter q.:arters in Valley Forge. General- 
Washington is assailed by the clamours of discontented indivi- 
diials and public bodies, and by the designs of a faction to su- 
persede hun in his office as commander in chief - - P- 54 

CHAPTER V. 
CJMP.dlGJV OF 1778. 
General Washington prepares for the campaign of 1778. Sur- 
prises the British, and defeats them at Monmouth, Arrests 
General Lee. Calms the irritation excited by tie departure of 
the French fleet from Rhode Island to Boston. Dissuades from 
a.n invasion of Canada, - - - - - - - p. 71 

CHAPTER VI. 
CAMPJIGA OF 1779. 
The distresses of the American army. Gen. Washington- calms 
tlie uneasiness in the Jersey line. Finds great difficulty in sup- 
porting his troops and concentrating their force, ^'l akes a dis- 
position of them with a view to tiie security of "W est Poiat. 
Directs an expedition against the six nations of Indians, and 
for the reduction of Stony point. Paules liook'talicn. A French 
fieet expected to the northwaid, an-Ives on the coast of Geop- 
A 2 



VI CONTENTS. 

g'ia. Washington unequal to offensive operations, retires into 
winter quartets, p. 83 



CHAPTER Vn. 
CJMPAIGJy OF 1780. 
General Washington directs an expedition against Staten Island, 
Gives an opinion against risking an army for the defence of 
Cliarleston, S. C. Finds great difficulty in supporting his army. 
Kniphauscn invades Jersey, but is prevented from iiijuring the 
American stores. Marquis de la Fayette arrives, and gives as- 
surances that a French fleet and army might soon be expected 
on the American coast. Energetic measures of co-operation 
resolved upon, but so languidly executed, that Wa.shington pre- 
tlicts the necessity of a more efficient system of national go- 
vernment. A French fleet and army arrives, and a combined 
operation against New York is resolved upon, but the arrival 
of a superioiu' British fleet deranges the whole plan, - p. 93 

CHAPTER Vm. 
CAMPMGJV OF 1781. 
The Pennsylvania line mutinies. The Jersey troops follow their 
example, but are quelled by decisive measures. General Wash- 
ington commences a military journal, detailing the wants and 
distresses of his ar?uy. Is invited to the defence of his native 
state, Virginia, but declines. Reprimands the manager of his 
private estate for furnishing the enemy with supplies, to pre- 
vent the destruction of his property. Extinguislies the incipient 
flames of a civil war, respecting th 6 independence of the state 
of Vermont. Plans a combined operation against the British, 
and deputes Lieut. Col. John Laurens to solicit the co-operation 
of the French. The combined forces of both nations rendez- 
vous in the Chesapeake, and take Lord CornwalMs and his army 
prisoners of war Washington returns to the vicinity of New 
York, and urges the necessity of preparing for a new cam. 
paij^Ti, - - P- 104 



CHAPTER IX. 

1782 ami 1783. 
Prospects of peace. Languor of the slates. Discontents of the 
army. Gon. Washington prevents the adoption of rash mea- 
sures. Some nev.' levies in I'ennsylvania mutiny, a)idare quel- 
led. Washington recommends measiu-es for the preservation of 
independence, peace, lilxjrty and happinoT:). Dismisses Ills ar- 
my. Enters New York. Takes leave of iiis (jflicers. Settles 
his accounts. Repairs to Annapolis. Resig'na his commission, 
Retires to Mount Vernon, and resumes his agricultural pur- 
suits, --- p. 121 



CONTENTS. Vll 

CHAPTER X. 

General Washington, on retiring from public life, devotes him- 
self to agricitltural pursuits. Favours inland navig'ation. De- 
clines ofiered emoluments from it. Urges an alteration of the 
fundam«^ntal rules of the society of the Cincinnati. RegTets 
the defects of the federal system, andrecon^mends a revisal of 
it. Is appointed a member of the continental convention for 
that purpose, which, af^^er hesitation, he accepts. Is chosen 
president thereof Is sohcitcd to accept the presidency of the 
United States. Writes sundry letters expressive of the con- 
flict in his mind, between duty and inclination. Answers ap- 
plications for offices. His reluctance to enter on public hfe, p. 154 

CHAPTER XL 

Washington elected president. On his way to the seat of go- 
vernment, at New' York, receives the most flattering marks of 
respect. Addresses Con/ress. The situation of the United 
States in their foreign aiiil domestic relations, at the inaugura- 
tion of Washington. Fills up public offices solely with a view 
to the public good. Proposes a treaty to the Creek Indians, 
which is at first rejected. Colonel Wallet induces the heads of 
the nation to come to New York, to treat there. The North 
Western Indians reflise a treaty, but after defeating- generals 
Harmar and Sinclair, tliey are defeated by General W^ayne. 
They then submit, and agree to treat. A new system is intro- 
duced for mehorating their ccndiiion, - . - p, IT'O 

CHAPTER XII. 

C eneral Washington attends to the foreign relations of the Unit- 
ed States. Negotiates with Spain. Difficulties in the way. 
The free navigation of ihe Mississippi is granted by a treaty 
made with Major Pinkney. Negotiation with Britain. Diffi- 
culties in the way. War probable. Mr. Jay's mission. His 
treaty with Great Britain. Opposition thereto. Is ratified. 
Washington refuses papers to the House of Representatives. 
British posts in the United States evacuated. Negotiations 
with France. Genet's arrival. Assumes illegal powers, in vi- 
olation of the neutrality of the United States. Is flattered by 
the people, but opposed by the executive. Is recalled. Gen. « 
Pinkney sent as public minister to adjust disputes with France. 
Is not received. Washington declines a re-election, and address- 
es the people. His last address to the national legislature. 
Recommends a navy, a military academy, and other public in- 
stitutions, .-.-.---.p. 185 

CHAPTER Xm. 

Washington rejoices at the prospect of retiring. Writes to the 
Secretary of State, denying the authenticity of letters said to 
be fix)m him to J. P. Custis and Lund Washington, in 1776. 
Paye respect to his successor, Mr. John Adams. Review of 



Vlll 



CONTENTS. 



Washinglon's administration. He retires to Mount Vernon. 
Resumes agricultural jjursuits; Hears witli reg-retthe ag-gres- 
sions of the Frenc » republic. CoiTesponds on the subject of 
bis takings tlie command of an army to oppose the French. Is 
appointed Lieutedcint General. His commission is stnl to him 
b}' the Secre+rry of War. His letter to prrsia<-nt Adams on the 
receipt thereof. Directs the org-anization of the proposed armv. 
Three envoys ext;-aordinarv sent to Franc t-, 'vhr> adjust all dis- 
putes with P-onaparte, after the over tlu*o\v of the Directory. 
Gen. Yv'asiiington dies. Is honoured by Congress, and by the 
citizens. His character, ---.-• p. 221 



THE LIFE 



OF 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 



(CHAPTER I. 



Of George Washington's birth, family, and education Of his 

mission to the French commandant on the Ohio in 1753 His 

mihtary operations as an officer of Virginia, from 1754 to 1758, 
and his subsequent employments to the commenoement of the 
American Revolution. 



A HE ancestors of George Washington were among 
the first settlers of the oldest Bnlish colony in Ameriea.... 
He was the third in descent from John Washington, aa 
English gentleman, who, about the midille of the 17th cen- 
tury, emigrated from the north of England, and settled in 
Westmoreland county, Virginia. In the place where iie 
had fixed himself, his great grandson, the subject of the 
follov.ing history? was born on the 22d of Februaiy, 1732. 
His imuiediate ancestor was Augustine Washington, who 
died when his son George was only 10 years old. The 
education of the young orphan, of course, devolved on his 
mother, who added one to the many examples of virtuous 
matrons, who, devoting themselves to the care of their 
children, have traiiied them up to be distinguished citizens* 
In o'i« instance her fears, co-nbining with her affection, 
prevented a n«easure, which, if persevered in, would hare 
given a direction tu t' e talents and vievvS of her son. very 
different from that whicli laid the foundation of his fame. 
George Wnshington, wlien only ^fteen years old, solicited 
and oi)tained the phice of midshipman in the British navy; 
but his ardent zeal to serve his country, then at war with 



14 THE LIFE OF 

France and Spain, was, on the interference of his mother* 
for the present, suspended, and for ever diverted from the 
sea service. She lived to see him acquire higher honour* 
#han he ever could have obtained as a naval officer; nor did 
she depart this life till he was elevated to the first offices, 
both civil and military, in the gift of his country. She was, 
nevertlieless, from the influence of long established habits, 
so far from being partial to the American revolution, that 
she often regretted the side her son had taken in the con- 
troversy between her king and her country. 

In the minority of George Washington, the means of 
education in \merica wera scanty; his was therefore veiy 
little extended beyond what is common, except in mathe- 
matics. Knowledge of this kind contributes more perhaps 
than any other to strengthen the mind. In this case it was 
doubly useful; for, in the early part of his life, it laid the 
foundation of his fortune, by qualifying him for the office of 
a practical surveyor, at a time when good land was of easy 
attainment: and its intimate connection with the military 
art, enabled him at a later period to judge more correctly 
of the proper means of defending his country, when he was 
called upon to preside over its armies. 

Of the first nineteen years of George Washington's life, 
little is known. His talents being more solid than showy, 
were not sufficiently developed for public notice, by the 
comparatively unimportant events of that early period.-— 
His cotemporaries have generally reported, that in his 
youth he was grave, silent, and thoughtful; diligent and 
Methodical in business, dignified in his appearance, and 
strictly Ivonourable in all his deportment; but they have not 
been able to gratifv the public curiosity with any striking 
anecdotes, flis patrimonial estate was small, but that little 
was managed with prudence and i^c^eased by industry. In 
the gayest period of his life, he was a stianger to dissipa- 
tion and riot. That he had established a solid reputation, 
even in his juvenile years, may be fairly presumed 
from the following circumstances. At the age of nineteen 
he was appointed one of the adjutants general of Virginia, 
with the rank of Major. When he was barely twenty-one, 
he was employed by the government of his native colony^, 
in an enterr>iize which required the prudence of age as 
well as the vigour of youi^h. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 15 

The French, as the first European discoverers of the riv- 
er Mississippi, claimed all that immense region whose 
waters run into ^hat river. In pursuance of this claim, in 
the year 1753, they took possession of a tract of country 
supposed to be within the chartered limits of Virginia, 
and were proceeding to erect a chain of posts from the 
lakes of Canada to the river Ohio, in subserviency to their 
gi-and scheme of connecting Canada with Louisiana, and 
limiting the English colonies to the east of the Alleghany 
mountains. Mr. Dinwiddie, then governor of Viie;inia, 
despatched Washington with a letter to the French com- 
mandant on the Ohio, remonstrating against the prosecu- 
tion of these designs, as hostile to the rights of his Britan- 
nic majesty. The young envoy was also instructed to pe- 
netrate the designs of the French; to conciliate the affec- 
tion of the native tribes; and to procure useful intelligence. 
In the discharge of this trugt, he set out on the 15th of No- 
vember, from Will's Creek, then an extreme frontier settle- 
ment, and pursued his course through a vast extent of un- 
explored wilderness, amidst rains and snows, and over ri- 
yers of very difficult passage, and among tribes of Indians, 
several of whom, from previous attentions of the French, 
were hostile to the English. When his horses were 
incompetent, he proceeded on foot with a gun in his 
hand and a pack on his back. He observed every thing 
with the eye of a soldier, and particularly designated the 
forks of the Monongahela and Alleghany rivers, the spot 
where Fort Uuquesne was afterward built, and where 
Pittsburg now stands, as an advantageous position for a 
fortress. Here he secured the affections of some neigh- 
bouring Indians, and engaged them to accompany him.— • 
With, them he ascended the Alleghany river and French 
Creek, to a fort on the river le Boeuf, one of its western 
branches. He there found Mons. Le Gardeur de St Pierre, 
the commandant on the Ohio, and delivered to him Dinvvid- 
die's letter; and receiving; his answer, returned with it to 
Williamsburg on the seventy-eighth day after he had re- 
ceived his appointment. The patience and firmness dis- 
played on this occasion by Washington, added to his judi- 
cious treatment of the Indians, both merited and obtained a 
large share of applause. \ jo'urnal of the whole was pub- 
lished, and inspired the public with high ideas of the ener- 
gies both of his body and mind. 



16 THE LIFE OF 

The French were too intent on their favorite project of 
extending their empire in America, to be diverted from it 
by the remoudtrances of a colonial governor. The answer 
brought by Washington was such as induced the Assembly 
of Virginia, to raise a regiment of three hiudred men to 
defend their frontiers and maintain the right claimed in be- 
half of Great Britain over the disputed territory. Of this 
Mr. Fry was appointed colonel, and George VVashington 
lieutenunt colonel. The latter advanced with iwd co.i»(>a- 
nies of this regiment early in April, as far as the Great 
Meadows, where he was informed by some friendly Ind- 
ians, that the Fiench were erecting fortifications in the tbrk 
between the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers; and 
also, that a detacliaient was on its march from that place 
towards the Gieat Meadows. War had not yet been for- 
mally dechued between France and Ene:land, but as neither 
was disposed to recede from their claims U) thelancis on the 
Ohio, it was deemed inevitable, and on the point of com- 
mencing. Several circu instances were supposed to indicate 
an hostile intention on the part of the advancing French de- 
tachment. Wasiiington, under the guidance of some friendly 
Indians, in a dark rainy night surprised theii- encampment, 
and, after firing once, rushed in and surrounded them.... 
The commanding officer, Mr. Jumonville, was killed, one 
person escaped, and all tlie rest immediately surrendered. 
Soon after this aHaii , Col. Fry died, and the command of 
the regiment devolved on Washington, who speedily col- 
lected the whole at the Great Meadows. Two independent 
companies of regulars, one iVotn New York, asjd one from 
South Carolina, shortly after arrived at the same place Col. 
^Yashiogton was now attheiieat^ oSiieavly four hundred men. 
A stockade, after\.ards called Fort Necessity, was erected 
at the Great Meadows, in vyhich a small force was left, and 
the main body advanced with a view of disloddng the 
French frons Fort Duquesne, which they had recently erect- 
ed, at the confluence of the Aljeghany arid Monongahela 
rivers. They had not proceeded more than thirteen miles, 
v/hen they were informed by friendly Indians, "That the 
Frenc'h, as nunierous as pigeons in the woods, were advanc- 
ing in an hostile m. inner toward the Fny;lish settlements, 
and also, that Fort Duquesne had been recently and st:ong- 
ly reinforced." In this critical situation, a council of war 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. IT 

unanimoyslj recommended a retreat to the Great Mea- 
dows, which was effected without delay, and every exertion 
made to render "Fort Necessity tenable. Before the works 
intended for thift purpose were completed, Mons. de Villier) 
with a considerable force, attacked the fort. The assailants 
were covered by trees and high grass. Tlie Americans re- 
ceived them with great resolution, and fought some within 
the stockade, and others in the surrounding ditch. Wash- 
ington continued the whole day on the outside of the fort, 
and conducted the defence with the i2;reatest coolness and 
intrepidity. The engagement lasted from ten in the morn- 
ing till night, when the French commander demanded a 
parley, and offered terms of cajutulation. His first and 
second proposals were rejected, and Washington would ac- 
cept of none short of the following honourable ones, which 
were mutually agreed upon in the course of the night. — 
" The fort to be surrendered on condition that the garrison 
should march out with the honours o" war, and be permit- 
ted to retain their arms and baggage, and to march unnio- 
lested into the inhabited parts of Virginia." The lesiisla- 
ture of Virginia, impressed with a high sense of the brave- 
ry and good conduct of their troops, though compelled to 
surrender the fort, voted their thanks to Col. Washington, 
and the oiTicers under his command, and they also gave 
three hundred pistoles to be distributed among the soldiers 
engaged in thi^ action, but made no arrang;ements for re- 
newing offensive operations in the remainder ot the year 

1754. When the season for action was over, the regiment 
was reduced to independent companies, and Washington 
resij,?)ed his command. 

Tb.e controversy about the Oliio lands, which began in 
Virginia, uas taken up very seriou^^ly by Great Britain, and 
two British regiments were sent to An. erica to support the 
claims of his Britannic Majestv. They airived early in 

1755, and were commanded by Gen. Braddock. That of- 
ficer, being informed of the talents of Geor^',e W asJiington, 
invited him to serve the campaign as a volunteer aid-de- 
camp. The invitation was cheerfully accepted, and Wash- 
ington joined Gen. Braddock near Alexandria, and pro- 
ceeded with him to WilPs Creek, afterward called Fort 
Cumberland. Here the army was detained till the 12th of 
June, waiting for waggons, horses, and provisions. Wash- 

6 



18 THE LIFE OF , 

ington had early recommended the use of pack horses, in- 
stead of waggons, for conveying the baggage of the army. 
The propriety of this advice soon beca.ue apparent, and a 
consideraolft change was made in confonni^y to it. The 
army had not advanced much more than ten miles from 
Fort Cumberland, when Washington was seized with a 
violent fever, but nevertheless continued with the army, 
being conveyed in a covered waggon, after he had refused 
to stay behind, though so much exhausted as to be unable 
to ride on horseback. He advised the geneial to leave his 
heavy artillery and baggage behind, and to advance rar. id- 
ly to Fort Duquesne, with a select bo-iy of trooi s. a few 
necessary stores, and some nieces of light artillery. Hooes 
were indulged that by this expediti'^as movement. Fort 
Duquesne might be reached in its present weak state, 
with a force sufficient to reduce it, bef;»re expected rein- 
forcements should arrive. General Biaddock a;'proved 
the schejne, and submitted it to the consideration of a coun- 
cil held at tlie Little Meadows, which recommended that 
the commander in chief should advance as rapidly as possi- 
ble with twelve hundred select men, and that Col. Dunbar 
should remain behind with the reoiainder of the troops and 
the heavy baggage. 1 his advanced corps commencod its 
march with only tliirty carriages, but did not proceed with 
the rapidity tluit was expected. I heyfreqiiently halted to 
level the road, and to build bridges over inconsiderable 
brooks. Tiiey consumed four daysin passing over the first 
nineteen miles from the Livtle Meadows. At tins place, 
the physicians declared that Col. Washington's li'e v/ould, 
be endangered by advancing with the army. He was there- 
fore ordered by Gen. Brad Hock to stay behind with a small 
guard till Dunbar should arrive Mith the rear of the army. 
As soon as lus strength would permit, he joined the advan- 
ced detachment, and iin mediately entered on the duties of 
his office. On the next day, July 9th, a dreadful scene took 
place. When Braddock had crossed the Monongahela, 
and was only a few miles from Fort Duquesne, ami was 
pressing forwa'd without any apt)rehension of danger, he 
was attacked in an open roa'i, thick set vvith grass. An in- 
visible, eneu^y, consisting of French and Indians, commenc- 
ed a heavy and well directed fire on his uncovered troops. 
The van fell back on the main body, and the whole was 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 19 

tHrovvn into disorder. MaHrtinett levelled their pieces par- 
ticularly at officers, and others xnij^rse back.-.. ^ In a shoit 
time Washington was the only aifd-dl^amp left alive and 
not wounded. On him, therefore, devolved the whoie duty 
of carryino- the general's orders. He ^vas (*f cbwftsc ohiig- 
ed to be constantly in motion, traversing the field of blitHe 
on horseback in all directions. He had two horses shot 
under him, and four bullets passed throiigh his coat, but 
he escaped unhurt, thougli every other officer on hoiseback 
was either killed or wounded. Providence preserved him 
for fuither and greater services. Tliroughout the wliole 
of the carnage and confusion of this fatal day, Washington 
displayed the gieatest coolness and the moht perfect sell 
possession. Braddock was undismayed an;i(lst a sliower oi 
bullets, and by Iris countenance and example, encouraged 
his men to stand their ground; but valour was useless, and 
discipline only offered surer marks to the destructive aim 
of unseen marksmen. Unacquainted with the Indian mode 
of fighting, Braddock neither advanced upon nor retreated 
frcrn the assailants, bu^ very injudiciously endeavoured to 
form his broken troojjs on the ginjuid where they were first 
attacked, and wliere they were exposed uncovered to the 
incessant galling fire of a sheltered enemy. He had been 
cautioned of the danger to which he was exposed, and was 
advised to advance the provincials in front of his troops, to 
scour the woods and detect ambusrades, but he disregard- 
ed the salutary recommendation. The action lasted near 
three hours, in the course of which the general had three 
horses shot under him, and finally received a wound, of 
mvhich he died in a few days in the camp of Dunbar, to 
p^-wbich he had been brought by Colonel Washington and 
':'^. others. On the fall of Braddock, his troops gave way in 
all dl 'actions, and could not be rallied till they had crossed 
the ISionongahela. , The Indians, allured by plunder, did 
not pirsue with vigour. The vanquished regulars soon 
fell back to D^ti^ar's camp, from v\hich, after destroying- 
such of their slif^fe ;$*t:c;trttl^^^ they letired to Phi- 
ladelphia. The officers i^ '^^^ij^i^h regiments displayed 
the greatest bravery. Their whofe"mnnber i^as eighty five, 
and sixty-four of them were killed or wounded. The com- 
mon soldiers were so disconcerted by the unusual mode of 
attack, that they soon broke, and could not be rallied. The 



20 THE LIFE OF 

three Virginia companies in the engagement behaved 
very diiferentlj, and fought like men till there were 
scarcely thirty men left alive in the whole. This reverse 
of fortune rather added to, than took from, tlie reputation 
of Washington. IJis countrymen extolled his conduct, and 
generally said and believed, that if he had been command- 
er, the disasters of the day would have been avoided. 

Intelligence of Braddock's defeat, and that Col. Dunbar 
had withdrawn all the regular forces from Vii^inia, arrived 
while the assembly of that colony was in session. Im- 
pressed with the necessity of protecting their exposed fron- 
tier settlements, they determined to raise a regiment of 
sixteen companies. The command of this was given to 
\V ashington. So great was tlie public confidence in the 
soundness of his judgment, that he was authorized to name 
the tieid officers. His commission also designated him as 
commander in cliief of all the forces raised, or to be raised 
in Virginia. 

In execution of the duties of his new office, Washington, 
after giving the necessary oiders for the recruiting service, 
visited the frontiers. He found n;any posts, but few sold- 
iers. Of these the best disposition was made. While on 
his way to Wiiliaoisi urg to arrange a plan of operations 
with the lieutenant governor, he was overtaken by an ex- 
press below Fredericksburg, with information that the back 
settlements were brokeli up by parties of French and Ind- 
ians, who were murdering and capturing men, women 
and children, burning their houses and destroying their 
crops, and that the few troops stationed on the frontiers, 
unable to protect the country^ had retreated to small stock- 
ade forts. Washington altered his course from Williams- 
burg to Winchester, and endeavoured to collect a force 
for the defence of the country. But this was impossible. 
The inhabitants, instead of assembling in arms, and facing 
the invaders, fied before them, and extended the general 
panic. While the attention of individuals was engrossed 
by their families and piivate concerns, the general safety 
was neglected. The alarm became universal, and the ut- 
most confusion prevailed. Before any adequate force was 
collected to repel the assailants, they had safely crossed 
the Alleghany mountains, after having done an immensity 
«f mischief. Irruptions of this kind were repeatedly made 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. ^A 

into the frontier settlements of Virginia in the years 1756, 
1757 and 1758. These generally convsisted of a considera- 
ble number of French and Indians, who were detached from 
Fort Duquesne. It was their usual practice on their ap- 
proaching the settlements, to divide into small parties, an?l 
avoiding the forts, to attack solitary families in the night, 
as well as the day. The savages accustomed to live in the 
woods, found little difficulty in concealing themselves till 
their fatal blow was struck. Sundry unimportant skir- 
mishes took place, with various results, but the number kill- 
ed on both sides was inconsiderable, vvheji compared with 
the mischief done, and the m.any who were put to death, 
otherwise than in battle. The invaders could seldom be 
brought to a regular engagement. Honourable war was 
not in their contemplation. Plunder, devastation and mur- 
der, were their objects. The assemblage of a respectable 
force to oppose them, was their signal for retreating. Ir- 
ruptions of this kind were so fre([uent for three years fol- 
lowing Braddock's defeat, that in Pennsylvania the frontier 
settlers were driven back as far as Carlisle, and in Mary- 
land, to Frcdericktown, and in Virginia, to the Blue Ridge. 
The distresses of the inhabitants exceeded all descrip- 
tion. If they went into stockade forts, they suffered from 
the w-ant of .provisions, were often surrounded, and some- 
times cut off. By fleeing, they abandoned the conveniences 
of home, and the means of support. If they continued on 
their farms, they lay down every night under apprehensions 
of being murdered before morning. But this was not the 
worst. Captivity and torture were frequently their portion. 
To all these evils, women, aged persons and children, were 
equally liable with men in arn\s; for savages make no dis- 
tinction. Extermination is their object. To Washington 
the inhabitants looked for that protection he had not the 
means of giving. In a letter to the governor, he observed, 
"the supplicating tears of the women, and moving petitions 
of the men, melt me with such deadly sorrow, that I so- 
lemnly declare, if I know my own mind, I could offer my- 
self a willing sacrifice to the butchering enemy, provided 
that would contribute to the people's ease." Virginia pre- 
sented a frontier of three hundred and sixty miles, exposed 
io these incursions. Hard was the lot of Washington, ta 
whom was entrusted the defence of these extensive set- 
B 2 



22 THE LIFE OF 

tlenients, without means adefjuate fo t!ie purpose. The 
regiment voted by the assembly, was never filled. Its ac- 
tual number was oRener beiou, than above seven hundred 
men. The militia afforded a very (eeble aid, on which lit- 
tle reliance could be placed They were slow in collecting, 
and when collected, soon began to hanker after home; and 
whrle in camp, could not subnut to that discipline, without 
which, an army is a mob. The militia laws were very de- 
fective. Cowardice in time of action, and sleeping while 
on duty, thou«;'n crimes of the most destructive nature, were 
very inadequately punishe:d by the civil code, under which 
they took the field. Desertion and mutiny? for some con- 
siderable time, subjected Ihe offenders to nothing more 
than slight penalties. Washington was incessant in his re- 
presentations to the jrovernor and to tlie assembly, that no 
reliance Cduld be ]:iaced on the militia, under existing re- 
gulations; and that the inconsiderable numbei- enlisted for 
regular service, togetiier with the plans proposed for the 
security of the frontiers, were altoiietlier inadequate. He 
not only pointed out the defect of the systems which had 
been adopted, but submitted to the c<*« sideration of those 
in power, such measures as he thought best, and particu- 
larly recommended, in case offensive operations were not 
adopted, that twenty-two forts, extending in a line of three 
hundred and sixty miles, should beimmediately erected, and 
garrisoned by two thousand men, in constant pay and ser- 
vice; but on all occasions gave a decided preference to the 
reduction of Fort Duquesne, as the only radical remedy for 
the evils to which thefontier settlements were exposed. 
Propositions to tiiis effect, Viere nuide and urged by him in 
1756 and 1757, both to the government of Vir«;inia. and the 
commanders in chief of the Biitish forces in America; i)ut 
a short-sighted policy in the first, and a pieference given 
by the last, to a vigorous prosecution of the war in the 
northern colonies, prevented their acceptance. To his in- 
expressible joy, the project obtained in the year 1758, the 
complete approbation of Gen. Forbes, who was charged 
with the defence of the n)iddle and southern colonies, 
Tliis beinjo; resolved uj^on. the movements of the army 
were directed to that po^nt. Part of the forces destined for 
this expedition, was at Philadelpliia, part at Ray's 'Pown, 
and part dispersed on the frontiers of Virglniu. " To bring 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. g3 

all together, was 5 work of time and difficulty. Washing- 
ton uiged tlie necessity of an early can>|.aign; but such de- 
lays took place, that he did not receive orders to asseoible 
his regiment at Winchester, til the 24th of May; nor to 
proceed from thence to Fort Cumberland, till the 24th of 
June; nor to pToceed to Ray's Town, till the 21st of Sep- 
tenjber. The main body did not commence their march 
from Ray's lown, till tiie 2d of October, and it was as late 
as the 25th of November, vvhen they reached Fort Du- 
quesne. These delays were extremely mortifying to Wash- 
ington, and threatened to render the campaign abortive. 
He urged the necessity of expedition, and most pointedly 
remonstrated against one of the principal causes of delay. 
This v,as a resolution adopted by his superiours, for open- 
ing a new road Cor the armj^, in prefeience to that which 
was generally known by the name of Gen. Braddock'S. 
Being overruled, he quietly submitted. Instead of embar- 
rassing measures he thought injudicious, the whole ener- 
gies of himself and his regiment were exerted to iiiake the 
most of those which his commanding officer preferred. 
The progress of the army was so slow, that it did not reach 
Loyal Hannah, till the oth of November. Here it was de- 
termined in a council of war, to be unadvisable to pro- 
ceed any further that campaiirn." Ifthis i esolution had been 
adhered to, the only alternative would have been to winter 
an army of eight thousand men in a cold, inhospitable wil- 
derness, remote from all frieiidly settlements, or to tread 
back their steps, and wait for a more favourable season. In 
either case, they would have suffi^red immensely. Tiie 
propriety of the remonstrancesmade by Washington against 
the n»any delays which had taken place, now became obvy- 
ously striking. The hopes of restorin<r peace to the fron- 
tier settlements, by reducing Fort Duquesne, began to van- 
ish. But contrary to all human appearances, success was 
now offered to their grasp, at the very moment they had 
given up every hope of obtaining it. 

Some prisoners were taken, who gave such information, 
of the stite of tiie gariison. as induced a reversal of the late 
determination, and encouraged the general to proceed.—* 
Washington was in front, superintending the opening of the 
road for the accommodation of ti;e troops. They advanced 
with slow and cautious steps, until they reached Fort Du- 



M THE LIFE OF 

quesne. To their great surprise, thej found the lort eva- 
cuated, and that the garrison had retreated down the Ohio. 
The reasons for tlie abandonment of so advantageous a po- 
sition, must be looked for elsewhere. The British had 
Urged the war with so much vigour and success against 
the French to the northward of the Ohio, that no reinforce- 
ments could be spared to Fort Duquesne. The British 
fleet had captured a considerable part of the reinforcements 
designed by France for her colonies. The tide of fortune 
had begun to turn against tiie French in favour of the Eng- 
lish. This weakened the influence of the former over the 
Indians, and caused them to withdraw from the support of 
the garrison. Under different circumstances, the success 
of the campaign would have been doubtful, perhaps im- 
practicable. Tlje benefits which resulted from the acqui- 
sition of Fort Duquesne, proved the soundness of Wash- 
ington's judgment, in so warmly urging for three years, an 
expedition for its reduction. These were not confined to 
Virginia, but extended to Pennsylvania a!)d Maryland. — 
While the French were in possession of that post, the Ind- 
ians near the Ohio were entirely at their beck. This was 
their place of rendezvous, and from it they made frequent 
and ruinous incursions into these three colonies. They 
neither spared age nor sex, but killed or captivated indis- 
eriminately all who came in tiieir way. Fire and devasta- 
tion, the scalping knife and tomahawk, marked their route. 
A complete revolution in the disrositinn of the Indians, 
resulted from the expulsion of the French. Always prone 
to take part with the strongest, tlie Indians deserted their 
ancient friends, and paid court to those who, by recent con- 
quest, were now in possession of the country. A treaty of 
peace was soon after concluded with all the Indian tribes 
between the lakes and the Ohio. Fort Duquesne hence- 
forward assumed tlie name of Fort Pitt, received consider- 
able repairs, and was garrisoned by two hundred men from 
Washington's regiment. It became as useful in future 
to the English settlements, as it had been injurious while 
in the occupation of the French. 

The campaign of 1758, ended the military career of Col. 
Washington as a provincial officer. The great object on 
which his heart was set, the reduction of Fort Duquesne^ 
being accomplished, he resigned his commission. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 25 

Dining the three preceding years in which he was charg- 
e<l with the defence of Virginia, none of those great events 
occurred, which enliven and adorn the page of history; yet 
the duties he performed were extremely arduous. He es- 
tablished exact discipline in his reginnent, though unaccus- 
tomed to restraint, and infused into them such a spirit as 
made them, while in action, fight like men, and die like sold- 
iers. 

The difficulties of defending such an extensive frontier, 
with so inadequate a force, would have chagrined almost 
anj other man into a resignation of the command, but only- 
excited in him greater in^portunity with the ruling powers, 
for the correction of errors. The plans he proposed, the 
systems he recommended for conducting the war, displayed 
an uncommon vigour of mind. He retired from the army 
with the tlianks of his regiment, and the esteem not only 
of his countrymen, but of the officers of the British army; 
and what is particularly remarkable, with the undiminished 
confidence of the frontier settlers, to whom he was unable 
to extend that protection they expected from his hands.—- 
They were thoroughly convinced he had made the best 
possible use of his scanty means for the security of so ex- 
tensive a frontier; and to the weight of his advice in recom- 
menfling, and spirited co-operation in executing, they as» 
cribed a large proportion of the merit ot the late success- 
ful expedition agairist Fort DllCjlieiriG; nW event wmck 
they promised themselves a4i exemption from the calami- 
ties under which they had long laboured. As a reward of 
his gallant and patriotic services, he sliortly after obtained 
the hand of Mrs. Custis, who, to a fine person, and large 
fortune, added every accomplishment which contributes to 
the happiness of married life. Col. Washington, by the 
death of his elder brother Lawrence, had a' few years before 
acquired an estate situated on the Potomack, called Mount 
Vernon, in compliment to Admiral Vernon, who about the 
year 1741, commanded the British fleet in an expedition 
against Carthagena, in which expedition, Mr. Lawrence 
Washington had been engaged. 

To this delightful spot the late commander of the Virgi- 
nia forces, released from the cares of a military life, and in 
possession of every thing that could make life agreeable, 
withdrew, and gave himself up to domestic pursuits.— 



26 THE LIFE OF 

These were conducted with so much judgiment, steadiness, 
and industry, as gieatly to euUiH';e and improve his estate. 
To them he exclusively devoted himself for fifteen years, 
with the exception of serving in the house of burs^esses of 
the colony of Virginia, and as a judge of the court of the 
county in uhicii lie resided. In these stations he acquitted 
himself with reputation, and acquired no inconsiderable 
knowledge in the science of civil government. During 
this period, the clashing claims of Great Britain and her 
colonies were frequently brought before the Virginia legis- 
lature. In every instance he took ^ decided part in the op- 
position made to the principle of taxation claimed by the 
parent state. 

Had Great Britain been wise, the history of George 
Washington would have ended here, with the addition that 
he died in the sixty -eiglsth year of his age, having sustained 
through life the character of a good man, an excellent far- 
mer, a wise member of the legislature, and an impartial 
distributor of justice among his neighbours. V^ery differ- 
ent was his destiny. From being the commander of ti^e forces 
of his native colony, Virginia, he was advanced to the com- 
mand of the armies of thirteen United Colonies, and suc- 
cessfully led them through a revolutionary war of eight 
ypare fluration, which isshpH in their establishment as 
thirteen United States. The origin of these great events^ 
mast be looked fer across the Atlantic, 



m 



GEORGE Wy GTON. 27 



CH/ i II. 



Retrospect of the origin of the American Revo'.itionary War....Of 
Georg-e Washington as member of Congress, in 1774 and 1775. 
As Commander in Chief of the armies of the United Colonies in 
1775 and 17/6, and iiis operations near Bostoi?, in these years. 

Soon after the p^ace of Paris, 1763, a new system 

for g:ovei»)ir>g the iJiitish colonies, was acloptid. One 

abrlHjvmeMi .if th^ir accustomed liberties followed another 

in such rapid succession, that in the short space of twelve 

years thev had notldrtp; left they could call their own. The 

iBritis'i Parliament, in which thi*v weie unrepresented, and 

I over which they had no control, not <»nly claimed, but ex- 

lercised, the po^ver of taxing tl-em at pieasuie, and of bind- 

jing them in all ca-es whatsoever. 

Claims so repugaaiit to t-ie spi>it of the British constitu- 
ition, and which made such invidious di'=ilincti(vns between 
the subjects of the same king, residing on dilferent sides 
of the Atlantic, excited a serious ahirni among t!)e c(do- 
nists. Detached as they were froui each other by local re- 
silience, 3ud unconnected in their several legislatures, a 
sense of comujon <langer pointed out to them the wisdom 
and propriety of foiir.ing a new representative body, com- 
posed of delegates from each colony, to take care of their 
common interests. 

With verv little previous concert, such a !>ony was form- 
ed and met in Philadelphia, in Septemiier, 1774. and cnter- 
jed into the serious consideration of the grievances under 
which their constituents laboured. To this congress Vir- 
ginia deputed seven of her tnust respectable citiz -ns; Pey- 
ton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George Washington, 
Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Harrison, Ed- 
mund Pendleton; men who would have done honour to 
any age or country. The same were appointed in like 
manner to attend a second congress ofi the K'tli rf May, in 
|the following year. The historians of the American reva- 



28 Tim LIFE OF 

lution will detail with pleasure and pride, the proceedings 
of this illustrious assembly: the firmness and precision 
with which they stated their grievances, and petitioned 
their sovereign to redress them, the eloquence with which 
they addressed the people of Great Britain, the inhabitants 
of Canada, and their own constituents, the judicious mea- 
sures they adopted for cementing union at home and pro- 
curing fiiends abroad. Tj^iey will also inform the world of 
the unsuccessful termination of all plans proposed for pre- 
serving the union of the empire, and tiiat Great Britain, 
proceeding from one oppression to another, threw the colo- 
nies out of her protection: made war upon them, and carri- 
ed it on with a- view to their subjugation. All these mat- 
ters, together with the commencement of hostilities at Lex- 
ington, and the formation of an American army by the co- 
lony of Massachusetts, for defending; themselves atjainst a 

'' 1 • T-» 

royal army m Boston, must be here passed over. Our bu- 
siness is only with George Washington. The fame he had 
acquired as commander of the Virginia forces, together 
with his well known military talents, procured for him the 
distinguishing appellation of the soldier of America. — > 
Those who, before the commencement of hostilities, looked 
forward to war as the probable consequences of the disputes 
between Great Britain and her coloriies, anticipated his ap- 
pointment to the supreme command of the forces of his na- 
tive country. 

As long as he continued a member of Congress, he was 
chairman of every committee appointed by that body to 
make ar' angements for defence. These duties in the Sen- 
ate were soon superseded by more active emnloy?nent in 
the field. As soon as the Congress of the United C(>lonies 
had determined on making a common cause with Massa- 
chusetts, against which a British army had comnxMiced 
hostilities, they appointed, bv an unanimous vote, George 
Washino:ton, commander in chief of all the forces raised or 
to be raised for the defence of the colonies. His election 
was accompanied with no competition, and followed by no 
envy. The same general impulse on the public mind, 
whfch led the colonies to agree in many other particulars, 
pointed to him as the most proper person for presiding over 
their armies. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. «9 

To the President of Congress announcing this appoint- 
ment. General Washington replied in the following words: 

"MR. PRESIDENT, 

"Though I am truly sensible of the high honour done me 
in this appointment, yet 1 feel great distress from a consci- 
ousness that my abilities and military experience may not 
be equal to the extensive and important trust. However, 
as the congress desiie it, 1 will enter upon the momentous 
duty, and exert every power I possess in their service, and 
for support of the glorious cause. I beg they will accept 
my most cordial thanks, for this distinguished testimony of 
their approbation. 

"But lest some unlucky event should happen unfavour- 
able to my reputation, 1 beg it may be remembered by 
every gentleman in the room, that I this day declare with 
the utmost sinceritj, I do not think myself equal to the 
command lam honoured with. 

"As to pay. Sir, I beg leave to assure the congress that 
as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to 
accept this arduous employment, at the expense of my do- 
mestic ease and happiness, I do not wish to make any profit 
from it. I will keep an exact account of my expenses; 
those I doubt not they will discharge, and that is all i desire." 

A special commission was made out for him, and at the 
same time an unanimous resolution was adopted by con- 
gress, "that they would maintain and assist him, and ad- 
here to him with their lives and fortunes, for the mainte- 
nance and preservation of American Liberty." 

He immediately entered on the duties of his hioh station. 
After passing a few days in New-York and making some 
arrangements with Gen. Schuyler, who commanded there, 
he proceeded to Cambridge, which was the head-quarter-^ of 
the American Army. On his way thither, he n^ceived 
from private persons and public bodies, the most flattering 
attention., and tlie strongest expressions of determination 
to support him. He [eccived an address from the provincial 
congress orNewYork,in whicli, after expressing their ajpro- 
bation of his elevation to command, thev sav, ''We !»ave the 
fullest assurances, that whenever this important contest 
C 



30 THE LIFE OF 

shall be decided by that fondest wish of each American soul, 
an accommodation with our mother country, you will 
cheerfully resign the important deposit committed into 
your hands, and reassume the character of our worthiest 
citizen." Fhe General, after declaring his gratitude for 
the respect shewn him, added, "Be assured tl^at every ex- 
ertion of my worthy colleagues and myself, will be extend- 
ed to the re-establishment of peace and harmony between 
the mother country and these colonies. As to the fatal, but 
necessary operations of war, when we assumed the soldier 
"we did not lay aside the citizen, and we siiall most sincere- 
ly rejoice with you in that happy hour, when t'le re-estab- 
lishment of American liberty, on the most firm and solid 
foundations, shall enable us to return to our private stations 
in the bosom of a free, peaceful and happy country. 

A committee from the Massachusetts congiess received 
him at Springfield, about one hundred niile^ from Boston, 
and conducted him to the army. He was ? oon after address- 
ed by the congress of that colony in the most affectionate 
manner. In his answer, he said, "Gentlemen, your kind 
congratulations on my appointment and arrival, demand 
my warmest acknowledgments, and will ever be retained 
in grateful remembrance. In exchanging the enjoyments 
of domestic life for the duties of my present honourable, 
but arduous station, I only emulate the virtue and public 
spirit of the whole province of Massachusetts, whicli, with 
a firmness and patriotism witliout example, has sacrificed 
all the comforts of social and political life in support of the 
rights of mankind, and the welfare of our common country. 
My highest ambition is to be the happy instrusnent of vin- 
dicating these riglits, and to see this devoted province 
again restored to peace, liberty and safety." When Gen. 
Washington arrived at Cambridge, he was received with 
the joyful acclamations of the American army. At the 
head of his troops he published a declaration previously 
drawn up by congress, in the nature of a manifesto, set- 
ting forth the reasc^ns for taking up arms. In this, after 
enumerating various grievances of the colonies and vindi- 
cating them from a premeditated design of establishing in- 
dependent states, it was added; "In our own native land, 
in defence of the freedom which is our birthright, and 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 31 

>vhich ive ever enjoyed till the late violation of it, for the 
protection of our propeity, acquired solely by the industry 
of our forefathers and ourselves, against violence actually 
offered, we have taken up arms, we shall lay them down 
when hostilities shall cease on the part of the a2:gressors, 
and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, and 
not before." 

When Gen. Washington joined the American army, he 
found the British intrenched on Bunker's Hill, having also 
three floating batteries in Mystic River, and a twenty gun 
ship below the ferry between Boston and Charlestovvn. — 
They had also a battery on Copse's Hill, and were strongly 
fortified on the Neck. The Americans were intrenched at 
Winter Hill, Prospect Hill, and Roxbury, communicating 
with one another by small posts over a distance of ten miles, 
nor could they be contracted without exposing the country 
to the incursions of the enemy. 

The army put under the command of Washington 
amounted to fourteen thousand five hundred men. Seve- 
ral circumstances concurred to render this force very in- 
adequate to active operations. Military stores were defi- 
cient in camp, and the whole in the country was inconsider- 
able. On the 4th of August, all the stock of powder in 
the American camp, and in the public magazines of the 
four New England provinces, would have made \ery little 
more than nine rounds a man. In this destitute condition 
the army remained for a fortnight. To the want of powder 
was added a very general want of bayonets, of clothes, of 
working tools, and a total want of engineers. Under all 
these embarrassments, the General observed, that "he 
had the materials of a good army, that the men were able 
bodied, active, zealous in the cause, and of unquestionable 
courage." He immediately instituted such arrangements 
as were calculated to increase their capacity for service. — 
The army was distributed into brigades and divisions, and 
on his recommendation, general staff officers were appoint- 
ed. Economy, union, and system, were introduced into 
every department. As the troops came into service under 
the authority of distinct colonial governments, no unifor- 
mity existed among the regiments. In Massachusetts the 
men had chosen their officers, and, rank excepted, were in 
other respects, frequently their equals. To form one uni- 



S2 THE LIFE OF 

form mass of these discordant materials, and to subject 
freemen animated with the spirit of liberty, and collected 
for its defence, to the control of military discipline, required 
patience, forbearance and a spirit of accommodation.—. 
T'lis delicate and arduous duty was undei taken by General 
Washington, and discharged with great address. When 
he had made considerable progress in disciplining his ar- 
my, the term for which enlistments had taken place was on 
the point of expiring. The troops from Connecticut and 
Rhode Island vvere onl>' engaged to the first of December, 
1775, and no part of the army longer than to the first of 
Jinuary, 1776. The commander in chief made early and 
forcible representations to congress on this subject, and 
urged them to adopt efficient measures for the formation 
of a new army. They deputed three of their members, 
Mr. Lynch, Dr. Franklin, and Mr. Harrison, to repair to 
camp, and, in conjunction with him and the chief magis- 
trates of the New England colonies, to confer on the most 
effectual mode of continuing, supporting, and regulating, 
a continental army. By them it was resolved to list twenty- 
three thousand seven hundred and twenty -two men, as far as 
practicable, from the troops before Boston, to serve till the 
last day of Dec'r. 1776, unless sooner discharged by con- 
gress. In the execution of this resolve, Washington call- 
ed upon all officers and soldiers to make their election for 
retiring or continuing. Several of the inferiour officers re- 
tired. Many of the men would not continue on any terms^ 
Several refused unless they were indulged with furloughs. 
Others, unless they vvere allowed to choose their officers. 
So many impediments obstructed the recruiting service, 
that it required great address to obviate them. Washing- 
ton made forcible appeals in general orders, to the pride 
and patriotism of both officers and men. He promised 
every indulgence compatible with safety, and every comfort 
that the state of the country authorized. In general orders 
of the 20th of October, he observed, "The times, and the 
importance of the great cause we are engaged in allow no 
room for hesitation and delay. When life, liberty, and pro- 
perty, are at stake; when our country is in danger of be- 
ing a melancholy scene of bloodshed and desolation; when 
our towns are laid in ashes, innocent women and children 
driven from their peaceful habitations, exposed to the 



GEOKGE WASHINGTON. 33 

rigours of an inclement season, to depend perhaps on the 
hand of charity for support; when calamities like these are 
staring us in the face, and a brutal savage enemy threatens 
us and every thing we hold dear with destruction from for- 
eign troops, it little becomes the ch.aracter of a soldier to. 
shrink from danger, and condition for new terms. It is the 
General's intention to indulge both officers and soldiers who 
compose the new army with furloughs for a reasonable time; 
but this must be done in such a manner as not to injure the 
service, or weaken the army too much at once." In the 
instructions given to the recruiting officers, the General en- 
joined upon tliem "not to enlist any person suspected of be- 
ing unfriendly to the liberties of America, or any abandon- 
ed vagabond, to whom all causes and countries are equal and 
alike indiiferent." 

Though" great exertions had been made to procure re- 
cruits, yet the regiments were not filled. Several causes- 
operated in producing tHis disinclination to the service. 
The sufferings of the army had been great. Fuel was very 
scarce. Clothes, and even provisions, had not been fur- 
nished them in sufficient quantities. The small-pox de- 
terred many from entering; but the principal reason was 
a dislike to a military life. Much also of that enthusiasm 
which brought numbers to the field, on the commencement 
of hostilities, had abated. The arniy of 1775 was wastino; 
away by the expiration of the terms of service, and recruits 
for the new, entered slowly. The regiments which were 
entitled to their discharge on the 1st of December, were 
with great difficulty persuaded to stay ten days, when rein- 
forcements of militia were expected to supply their place. 
From the eagerness of the old troops to go home, and the- 
slowness of the new to enter the service', it was difficult to 
keep up the blockacig. On the last day of the year, when 
the first were entireS|r disbanded, the last only amounted to 
nine thousand six hundred and fifty men, and many of these 
were absent on furlough. At this time t!ie royal army in 
Boston was about eight thousand. To assist the recruiting 
service, the General recommended to congress to try the 
effiacts of a bountj, but this was not agreed to till late in 
. January, 1776. In that and the following month the army 
was considerably increased. 

The blockade of Boston was all this time kept up. and 
C^ 



34, THE LIFE OF 

the enemy confined to the city, but this was far short of 
what the American people expected. Common fame re- 
presented the troops under the command of Washington 
to be nearly treble the royal army. This ample force was 
supposed to be furnished with every thing necessary for the 
most active operations. Their real numbers and deficient 
equipments were, for obvious reasons, carefully concealed. 
The ardour and impatience of the public had long since 
counted on the expulsion of the British from Boston. — 
Washington was equally ardent, but better informed and 
more prudent. He well knew the advantages that would 
result to the cause in which he was engaged from some 
brilliant stroke, nor was he insensible to insinuations by 
some that he was devoid of energy, and by others that he 
wished to prolong his own importance by continuing the 
war. He bore these murmurs with patience; but never- 
theless, had his eyes directed to Boston, and wished for an 
opening to commence offensive operations. The propriety 
of this measure was submitted to the consideration of re- 
peated councils of war, who uniformly declared against it. 
A hope was nevertiieless indulged that ice in the course of 
the winter, would be favourable to an assault. That this 
opportunity might not be lost, measures were adopted for 
procuring large reinforcements of militia to serve till the 
first of March, 1776. From four to five thousand men were 
accordingly procured. Contrary to what is usual, the wat- 
ers about "^Boston continued open till the middle of Feb- 
ruary. Councils of war were hitherto nearly unanimous 
against an assault. General Washington was less opposed 
to it than some others, but the want of ammunition for the 
artillery, together with the great probability of failure, in- 
duced him to decline the attempt. In lieu of it he formed 
a bold resolution to take a new position that would either 
compel the British General to come to an action, or to eva- 
cuate Boston. The American army was now stronger than 
ever. Recruiting for the two last months had been un- 
usually successful. The regular army exceeded fourteen 
thousand men, and the militia were about six thousand. 
Washington, thus reinforced, determined to fortify the 
heights of Dorchester, from which he coXild annoy the ships 
in the harbour, and the army in the town. To favour the. 
execution of this plan, the town and lines of the enemy 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 35 

were bombarded on the 2d, Sd, and 4th of March. On the 
niglit of the 4th, Gen. Thomas, with a considerable de- 
tachment, took possession of the heights of Dorchester. 
By great exertions this party in the course of the night, 
nearly covered themselves from the shot of tlie enemy. 
The, appearance of their works caused no little surprise ia 
the British camp. These were exery hour advancing so as 
to afford additional security to the Anyericans posted be- 
hind them. The Admiral informed Gen. Howe, that if the 
Americans kept possession of these heiglits, he would not 
be able to keep one of the British ships in the harbour. 
The enemy were now brought to the alternative which 
Washington wished for. They must either risk an action 
without their lines, or abandon the place. Gen. Howe pre- 
ferred the former, and ordered tliree thousand men on this 
service. These were embarked, and fell down to the cas- 
tle with the intention of proceeding up the river to the at- 
tack, but were dispersed by a tremendous storm. Before 
they could be in readiness to proceed, the American works 
were advanced to such a state of secuiity, as to discourage 
any attempt against them. 

Washington expecting an immediate assault on the new 
raised works at Dorchester, and judging that tlie best 
troops of the enemy would be ordered on that service, had 
prepared to attack the town of Boston at the same time; 
four thousand men were ready for embarkation at the mouth 
of Cambridge river to proceed on this business, as soon as 
it was known that the Britrsh were gone out in force to 
their intended attack. It was now resolved by the British 
to evacuate Boston as soon as possible. In a few days af- 
ter, a flag came out of Boston with a paper signed by four 
select men, informing, '-that tliey had applied to Gen. 
Robertson, who on an application to Gen. Howe, was au- 
thorized to assure them, that he had no intention of burn- 
ing the town, unless the troops under his command were 
molested during their embarkation, or at their departure, 
by the armed force without." When this paper was pre- 
sented to Gen. Washington, he replied, "that as it v.'as an 
unauthenticated paper, and without an address, and not ob- 
ligatory on Gen. Howe, he could take no notice of it;" but 
afthe same time, "intimated his good wishes for the secu- 
rity of the tow n." 



36 THE LIFE OF 

Washington made arrangements for the security of his 
army, but did not advance his works, nor embarrass the 
British army in their proposed evacuation. He wished to 
save Boston, and to gain time fpr the fortification of New 
York, to whicli place he supposed the evacuating army was 
destined. Under tiiis impression, he detached a consid- 
erable part of his army to that place, and with the remain- 
der took possession of Boston, as soon as the British troops 
had completed their embarkation. On entering the town, 
Washington was received with marks of approbation more 
flattering than the pomps of a triumph. 

The inhabitants, released from the severities of a garrison 
life, and from the various indignities to which they had been 
subjected, hailed him as their deliverer. Reciprocal con- 
gratulations between those who had been confined within 
the British lines, and those who were excluded from en- 
tering them, were exchanged with an ardour which cannot 
be described. Gen. Washington was honoured by con- 
gress with a vote of thanks. They also ordered a medal 
to be struck, with suitable devices, to perpetuate the re- 
membrance of tiie great event. The Massachusetts Coun- 
cil and House of Representatives, complimented him in a 
joint address, in which they expressed their good wishes 
in the following words: "May you still go on approved by 
Heaven, revered by all good men, and dreaded by those ty- 
rants who claim their fellow-men as their property." His 
answer was modest and proper. 



V 



GEORGE WASHINGTON 



CHAPTER III. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1776. 

Of the operations of General Washington in New York and New Jer- 
sey....The battle on Long- Island. ...The retreat from York Island and 
throug'hJersey„..The battles of Trenton and Princeton. 

The evacuation of Boston varied the scene, but did not 
lessen the labours of Washington. Henceforward he had 
a much more formidable enemy to contend with. The 
royal army in Boston was on a small scale, calculated to 
awe the inhabitants of Massachusetts into obedience, but 
the campaign of 1776 was opened in New York with a 
force far exceeding any thing hitherto seen in America. 
Including the navy and army, it amounted to fifty-five 
thousand men, and was calculated on the idea of reducing 
I the whole United Colonies. The operations contemplated 
could be best carried on from the nearly central province of 
New York, and the army could be supplied with provision* 
from the adjacent Islands, and easily defended by the Brit- 
\ ish navy. For these reasons the evacuation of Boston, 
i and the concentration of the royal forces at New York, had 
been for some time resolved upon in England. 
I The reasons that induced the British to gain possessioa 
I of New York, weighed with Washington to prevent or de- 
I lay it. He had therefore detached largely from his army 
I before Boston, and sent Gen. Lee to take the command, and 
1 after providing for the security of Boston, proceeded soon 
I after the evacuation thereof with the main army to New- 
] York, and made every preparation in his power for its de- 
fence. Considerable time was allowed for this purpose; 
i for Gen. Howe, instead of pushing directly for New York, 
i retired to Halifax with the forces v.ithdrav/n from Boston. 
1 He there waited for the promised reinforcements froin Eng- 
I land, but, impatient of delay, sailed vvthout them for 
j New York, and took possession of Staten Island in the latter 



38 THE LIFE OF 

end of June. He was soon followed by his brother, Admi- 
ral Howe, and their whole force was assembled about the 
middle of July, and in apparent readiness for opening the 
campaign. Before hostilities were commenced, the British 
General and Admiral, in their quality of civil commission- 
ers for effecting a re-union between Great Britain and the 
Colonies, made an attempt at negotiation. To intn)duce 
this business they sent a flag ashore with a letter addressed 
to George Washington, Esq. This he refused to receive, 
as not being addressed to him with the title due to his rank, 
and at the same time wrote to congress, "That he would 
not, on any occasion, sacrifice essentials to punctilio, but in 
this instance, deemed it a duty to his country to insist on 
that respect which, in any other than a public view, he v/ould 
willingly have waved." Some ti'iie after, Adjutant General 
Patterson was sent by Gen. Howe with a letter addressed to 
George Washington, &c. &c. &c. On an interview; the 
Adjutant General, after expressing his high esteem for the 
person and character of the American general, and declaring 
that it was not intended to derogate from therespectdue to his 
rank, expressed his hopes, that the etceteras would remove 
the impediments to their correspondence. Gen. Wash- 
ington replied: "That a letter directed to any person in a 
public character should have some description of it, other- 
wise it would appear a mere private letter, that it was true 
the et ceteras implied every thing, but they also implied 
any thing, and that he should therefore decline the receiv- 
ing any letter directed to him as a private person, when it 
related to his public station." A long conference ensued, 
in which the Adjutant General observed, that "the Com- 
missioners were armed with great powers, and would be 
very happy in etfecting an accommodation." He received 
for answer, "that from what appeared, their powers were 
only to grant pardons; that they who had committed no 
fault wanted no pardon-" ^ 

On the arrival of Gen. Howe at Staten Island, the Ame- 
rican army did not exceed ten thousand men, but by sundry 
reinforcements before the end of August, they amounted to 
twenty -seven thousand. Of these a great part were militia, 
and one fourth of the wliole was sick. The diseases inci- 
dent to new troops prevailed extensively, and were aggrava- 
ted by a great deficiency intents. These troops were so judi- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 39 

ciously distributed on York Island, Long Island, Governor's 
Island, Paulus Hook, and on the Sound toward New Ro- 
chelle. East and West Chester, that the enemy were very 
cautious in determining when or where to ^commence of- 
fensive operations. Every probable point of debarkation 
was watched, and guarded with a force sufficient to embar- 
rass, though very insufficient to prevent, a landing. From 
the arrival of the British aimy at ^taten Island, the Ame- 
ricans were in daily expectation of being attacked. Gene- 
ral Washington was therefore strenuous in preparing his 
troops for action. He tried every expedient to kindle in 
their breasts the love of their country, and an high toned 
indignation against its invaders. In general orders he ad- 
dressed them as follows. "^The time is now near at hand, 
which must probably determine whether Ani^•^ca^s are to 
be freemen or slaves: whether the} are to have any prop- 
erty they can call their own; whether their hruscs and 
, farms are to be oillagedand destroyed, and themselves con- 
signed to a state of wretchedi'ess, from which no i.un)an 
I efforts will deliver them. The fate of unborn millions will 
I now depend under God, on the courage and conduct of 
this army. Our cruel and unrelenting enemy, leaves us 
I only the choice of a brave resistance, or the most abject 
I submission. We have therefore to resolve to conquer or 
, to die. Our own, our country's honour calls upon us for a 
I vigorous and manly exertion, and if we now shamefully 
\ fail, we shall become infamous to the whole world. Let uS 
I then rely t)n the goodness of our cause, and the aid of the 
Supreme Being, in whose hands victory is, to animate and 
I encouraiie us to great and noble actions. The eyes of all 
i our countrymen are- now upon us, and we shall have their 
j blessings and praises, if happily we are the instruments of 
! saving them from tiie tyranny meditated against them.— . 
! Let us therefore animate and encourage each other, and 
show the whole world that a freeman contending for liberty 
I on his own ground, is superiour to any slavish mercenary 
on earth." 

When the whole reinforcements of the enemy had arriv- 
ed, Gen. Washington, in expectation of an immediate at- 
tack, again addressed his army, and called on them to re- 
member that "liberty, property, life and honour, were all 
at stake; tliat upon their courage and conduct, rested the 



40 THE LIFE OF 

hopes of their bleeding and insulted counfry; that their 
wives, children, and parents, expected safety from them 
only; and ihat they had every reason to believe, that Hea- 
ven v.'ould crown with success so just a cause." He far- 
ther added: "The enemy will endeavour to intimidate by 
show and appearance, but remember they have been re- 
pulsed on various occasions by a few biave Americans.' — 
Tiieir cause is bad; their men are conscious of it, and if 
opposed with firmness and coolness on their first onset, 
with our advantage of works and knowledge of the ground, 
the victory is most assuredly ours. Every good soldier will 
be silent and attentive; wait for orders; and reserve his 
fire until he is sure of doing execution; of this the officers 
are to be particularly careful." 

He then gave the most explicit orders that any soldier 
who should attempt to conceal himself, or retreat without 
orders, should instantly be shot down, as an example of the 
punishment of cowardice, and desired eveiy officer to be 
particularly attentive to the conduct of his men, and report 
those who should distinguish themselves by brave and no- 
ble actions. These he solemnly promised to notice and re- 
ward. 

On the 22d of August, the greatest part of the British 
troops landed on Long Island. Washington immediately 
made a farther effort to rouse his troops to deeds of valour. 
"The enemy," said he, "have landed, and the hour is fast 
approaching on which the honor and success of this army 
and the safety of our bleeding country depends. Remem- 
ber, officers and soldiery that you are freemen, fighting for 
the blessings of Liberty; that slavery will be your portion 
and that of your posterity, if you do not acquit yourselves 
like men. Remember how your cour.ige has been despis- 
ed and traduced by your cruel invadeis, though the}-^ have 
found by dear experience atBoston,Charlestown, and other 
places, what a few brave men, contending in their own land, 
and in the best of causes, can do against hirelings and mer- 
cenaries. Be cool, but determined. Do not fire at a dis- 
tance, but wait for orders from your officers." He repeated 
his injunctions, "to shoot down any person who should mis- 
behave in action," and his hope "tliat none so infamous 
would be found, but that, on the contrary, each for himself 
resolving to conquer or die, and trusting to the smiles of 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 41 

Heaven on so just a caiige, would behave with bravery and 
resolution." His assurance of rewards to tiiose who should 
disliJiguibh tlieiuselves, were repeated, and he declared his 
confidence '-that if the army would but emulate and imitate 
their brave countrymen in other parts of America, they 
•would, by a glorious victory, save ther country, and acquire 
to themselves immortal honour." 

On the 5th day after their landing, the British attacked 
the Americans on Long Island, commanded by Gen. Sulli- 
van. The varietv oFgrou nd and the different parties emploved 
in different places, both in the attack and defence, occasion- 
ed a succession of small engagements, pursuits, and slaugh- 
ter, which lasted for many liours. 

The Auiericans were defeated in all directions. The 
circumstances which eminently contributed to this, were 
, the superiour discipline of the assailants, and the want of 
, early intelligence of their movements. There was not a 
1 single corps of cavalry in the American army. The trans- 
mission of intelligence was of course always slow, and often 
impracticable. From the want of it, some of their detach-- 
I ments, while retreating before one portion of the enemy, 
' were advancing toward another, of whose movements, they 
I were ignorant. 

In the height of the engagement Washington passed 
! over to Long Islandj and with infinite regret saw the 
1 slaughter of his best troops, but had not tlie power to pre- 
vent itj for had "he drawn his whole force to tiieir supjjort, 
I he must have risked every thing on a single engagement. 
He adopted the wiser plan of evacuating the island, with 
all the forces he could bring off. In superintending this 
necessary, but diificult and dangerous movement, and the 
events of the preceding day, Washington was indefatiga- 
ble. For forty-ei^ht hours he never closed his eyes, an J 
was almost constantly on horseback. In less than thiiteen 
hours, the field aitillery, tents, baggage, and about nine 
thousand men, were cojueyed froin Long Island to the 
city of New York, over East River, and without the kno\\I- 
edge of ti^e Biitish, though not six hundred yaids distant. 
The darkness of the night and a l;eavy log in the morning, 
together -with a fair wind after midnight, favoured tins re- 
treat. It was completed \\ithuut interruption some time 
after the dawning of the day. 



42 THE LIFE OF 

The iir success fill termination of the late action, led to 
consequences more seriously alarming to the Americans, 
tha!i t!ie loss of their men. Hitherto they hau had such 
confidence iu themselves, as engaj^ed in tlie cause of liber- 
ty and their country, that it outweighed all their appre- 
hensions from the exact discipline of the British troops; but 
now finding that many of them had been encircled in inex- 
tricable diiticulties from the supeiioiir military skill of their 
adversaries, they went to the opposite extreme, and began 
to think but very indifterently of themselves and their lead- 
ers, when opposed to disciplined troops. As often as they 
saw the enemy approaching, they suspected a military ma- 
noeuvre frum which they supposed nothing could save them 
but immediate flight. Apprehensions of this kind ndght 
naturally be expected from citizen soldiers, lately taken 
from agricultural pursuits, who expected to lay aside the 
military character at the end of the current year. Wash- 
ingt;)n, tremblingly alive to the state of his army, wrote to 
congress on the sixth day after the defeat on Long Island, 
as follows: ''Our situation is truly distressing. The check 
our detachment lately sustained has dispirited too great a 
proportion of our troops, and filled their minds with appre- 
hension and despair. The militia, instead of calling forth 
their utmost efforts to a brave antl manly oppositi<m in order 
to repair our losses, are dismayed, intractable, and impa- 
tient to return. Great numbers of them have gone ofij in 
some instance, almost by whole regiments, in many, by 
half ones, and by companies at a time. This circumstance 
of itself, independent of others, when fronted by a well ap- 
pointed eneiny, superiour in number to our whole collected 
force, would be sufficiently disagreeable; but when it is 
added, that their example has infected another part of the ar- 
my: that tiR'ir wantof discipline and refusal of almost every 
kind of restiaintand government, have rendered alike con- 
duct but too comnn.n in the whole, and have produced 
an entire disregard of that order and subordination which is 
necessary for an army; our condition is still more alarm- 
ing; and with the deepest concern I am obliged to confess 
my want of confidence in the generality of the troops. All 
these circumstances fully confirm the opinion I ever enter- 
tained, and which I more than once in my letters took the 
liberty of mentioning to congress, that no dependance 



GEORGE WASiyNGTON. 43 

could be put in a militia, or other troops than those inlisted 
and embodied for a longer period than our regulations have 
hitherto prescribed. 1 am fullj convinced tliat our liberties 
must of necessity be greatly hazarded, if not entirely lost, 
if their defence be left to any but a permanent ar my. 

" Nor would the expense incident to the support of such 
a body of troops as would be con^petent to every exigency, 
fai exceed that which is incurred by calling in daily suc- 
cours and neAv inlistments, whicli, when eftccted, are not 
attended vvitli any good coiiserjuences. Men who have been 
free and subject to no control, cannot be reduced to order 
in an instant; and the privileges and exemptions they claim, 
and will have, influence the conduct of others in such a 
manner, that the aid derived from them is nearly counter- 
balanced by the disorder, irregularity, and confusion they 
occasion." 

In fourteen days after this serious remonstrance, con- 
gress resolved to raise eighty-eight battalions to serve dur- 
ing the war. Under these circumstances, to wear away the 
campaign with as little loss as possible, so as to gain time to 
raise a permanent army against the next year, was to the 
Americans an object of the greatest importance. 

Gen. Washington, after much deliberation, determined 
on a war of posts. Recent events confirmed him in the 
policy of defending his country by retreating, when he 
could no longer stand his ground without risking Ins army. 
He ^vell knew that by adopting it he would subject himself 
it) the imputation of wanting energj and decision; but 
with hijn the love of country was paramount to all other 
considerations. 

In conformity to these principles, the evacuation of 
New York was about this time resolved upon, whensoever 
it could no longer be maintained without risking the army. 
Arrangements were accordingly made for a temporary de- 
fence, and an ultimate retreat wlien necessity required. — 
The British, now in possession of Long Island, could at 
pleasure pass over to York island or tlie main. Was'i- 
ington was apprehensive that they w^ould land above him, 
cut off his retreat, and force him to a general action on 
York Island. He therefore moved his public stores to 
Dobb's ferry, and stationed twelve tliousand men at the 
-northern end of York Island. With the remainder he kept 



44 ri^) LIFE OF 

up the sem->lance of defeixling New-York, thou<jjii he ha4 
determined to abandon it, rather than risk his armj tor its 
preservation. 

While Washington was makins; arrangements to save 
his troops and stores by evacuating and letreating, the Brit- 
ish commander was prosecuting his favourite scheme of 
forcing the Americans to a general action, or breaking the 
communication between their posts. With this view he 
landed about four thousand men at Kipp's Bay, three miles 
above >iew York, under cover of live men of war. — 
Works had been thrown up at this place,, which were ciipa- 
ble of being defended for some time, and troops were sta- 
tioned in them for that purpose; but they fled with pricipita- 
tion without waiting for the approach of tlie enemy. Tv>o 
bri;^ades were put in motion to support them. Gen. Wash- 
ini>;ton rode to the scene of action, and to his great niorti- 
ficatioa met the whole party retreating. While he was ex- 
erting himself to rally them, on the appearance of a small 
corps of the enemy, they again broke, and ran off in disor- 
ider. Sush dastardly conduct raised a tempest in tlie usu- 
ally tranquil mind of Gen. Washington. Having embarked 
in the Ameiican cause from the purest principles, he 
viewed with infinite concern this shameful behaviour as 
ISreatening ruin to his country. He recollected the many 
declarations of congress, of the armv, and of the inhabit- 
ants, preferring libertv to life, and death to dishonour, and 
contrasted them with tlieir present scandalous flight. His 
soil was harrowed up with apprehensions that his country 
would be conquered, her at my disgraced, and her liberties 
destroyed, lie anticipated, in imagination, that the Amer- 
icans would appear to posterity in the Irght of high sound- 
ing boasters, w!io blustered when danger was at a distance, 
but shrunk at the sl»adow of opposition. Extensive confisca- 
tions, and numerous attainders presented themselves in 
full view to Ids agitated mind. He saw in imagination new 
formed states, witli the means of defence in their hands, 
and the glorious prospects of liberty before them levelled 
to the dust; and such constitutions imposed on them, as 
were likely to crush the vigour of- the human mind; while 
the unsuccessful issue of the present strugj!;le would, 
for asjes to come, deter posterity fiom the bold design of 
asserting their rights. Impressed with these ideas, he haz* 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 45 

anled his person for some considerable time in rear of 
his own men and in front of the enem)^, witli his horse's 
head' toward the latter, as if in expectation that, by an 
hotiourable death, he might escape the infamy he dreaded 
from the dastardly conduct of troops on whom he could 
place no dependance. His aids, and the confidential friends 
ar(mnd his person, by indirect violence, compelled him to 
retire. In consequence of tiieir address and importunity, 
a life was saved for public service, which otherwise, from 
a sense of honour and a gust of passion seemed to be devo- 
ted to almost certain destruction. 

The shameful events of this day hastened the evacuation 
of N. York. This was effected with very little loss of men, 
but all the heavy artillery and a large portion of the baggage, 
provisions, military stores, and particularly the tents, were 
-unavoidahly left behind. The loss of the last mentioned 
article was severely felt in that season, when cold weather 
was rapidly approaching. 

TheBiitish having got possession of the city of New 
York, advanced in front of it, and stretched their encamp- 
ments across York Island; while their shipping de- 
fended their fianks. Washington had made his^strongest 
post at Kingsbridge, as that preserved his commuhie^Tt^ons 
with the country. In front of tliis, and near to the British 
he had a strong detachment posted in an intrenched camp. 
This position of the two armies was particularly agreeable 
to him; for he wished to accustom his raw troops to face 
their enemies, hoping that by frequent skirmishes tliey 
would gro'v so familiar with the dangers incident to war, 
as to fear them less. Opportunities of making the experi- 
ment soon occurred. On the day after the reticat from 
New York, a skirmish took place between an advanced 
detachment of the British army and son»e American troops, 
commanded by Col Knowlton, of Connecticut, and Major 
Leitch, of Yirgiriia. B;>th tiiese officers tell, bravely fig'it- 
ing at the head of their t'-oops. The captains with ihcir 
men kept the ground, and faii'lv beat their adversaries from 
the ii'^ld. This was the first advantage the army under the 
com i a id of WaHhingtou had gained in tlie cam; aign. Its 
intluonce on the army was great. To increase its effects, 
the jjarole the next was "Leitch,'' and tlie general gave 
l^ublic thanks to the troops engaged therein. He contrasted 



46 THE LIFE OF 

their conduct with the kite shameful flight of the troops 
from the works on Kipp's Bay, and observed, "Tiiat the 
result proved what lYiigut be done, where officers and men 
exerted themselves;" and again called on ail '^so to act as 
not to disgrace the noble cause in which they Nvere en- 
gaged." 

General Howe continued to prosecute his scheme for 
cutting oft* Wasliington's communication with the eastern 
states, and enclosing him so as to compel a general en^a^e- 
ment. With this view the royal army landed on Frog's 
Neck, In West Chester countv, and soon after advanced to 
New Rochelle, and mad^ sundry successive movements, all 
calculated to effect this purpose. A few skirmishes took 
place, but a general action was carefully avoided by Wash- 
ington, except in one casein which he had such a manifest 
advantai?;e from his position on hills near the White Plains, 
that Gen. Howe declined it. The project of getting io the 
rear of the American army was in like manner frustrated 
by frequent and judicious changes of its position. Gen. 
Howe failing in his first design, adopted a new plan of ope- 
rations. His efforts were henceforward directed to an in- 
vasion of New Jersey. Washington penetrating his de- 
signs, crossed the North River. He wrote to William Liv- 
ingston, governor of New Jersey, urging him to put the 
miijtia of that State in the best state of preparation to de- 
fend their country, and also recommending the removal of 
stock and provisions from the sea coast. Al)out this time 
Fort Washington was taken by storm, and the gariison. con- 
sisting of more than two thousand men, with tlieir com- 
mander. Col. Magaw, surrendered prisoners of war. This 
was the only post held by the Americans on York Island; 
and was an exception to the general plan of evacuating and 
retreating. Hopes had been indulged that it might be de- 
fended, and in conjunction witii Fort Lee, on the opposite 
Jersey shore, made useful in embarrassing the pasage of 
British vessels up and down the North River. This post 
having fallen, orders for the evacuation of Fort Lee were 
inimediatcdy given; but before the stores could be remov- 
ed. Lord Cornwallis crossed the North River with six thou, 
sand men. Washington retreating before him, took post 
along the Hackensack. His situation there was nearly si- 
Kiilar to that which he had abandoned; for he was liable t© 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 47 

be enclosed between the Hackensack and the Pasaic rivers. 
He the:efore,on the approach of the enemy, passed over to 
Nevvajk. He stood \ns ground tiiere for sofiie da}^s, as if 
determined on resistance; but being incapable of any effec- 
tual op|)Osition, retieated to Brunswick, on the day Li>rd 
Cornvvailis entered Newark. At Brunswick, Washington 
kept his troops in motion, and even advanced a sinail de- 
tach >;ent, as if iiitendinj^ to engage the enemy. Nor did 
he quit this position till their advanced guards were in 
siglit. Lord Stirling was left at Princeton with twelve hun- 
dred men. to v;atch the British: and Washington proceed- 
ed with the residue to Trenton. There he meunt to make 
a stand. Orders were previously given to collect and guard 
all tiie boats for seventy miles on t'lie Delaware. The bag- 
gage and stores v\^re also passed over. These being se- 
cure], Washington detached twelve hundred men to Prince- 
ton, to keep up the appearance of (»pposition, and soon fol- 
lowed with about two thousand militia nien who had recently 
joined him. Before he reached Princeton, intelligence was 
received that Lord Cornwallis, strongly reinforced, was ad- 
vancing from Brunswick in different directions, with the ap- 
parent design of getting in his rear. An immediate retreat over 
the Delaware became necessary. This was effected on the 
8th of December. W^ashington secured all his boats on 
the Pennsylvania side; broke down the bridges on roads 
leading to the opposite shores, and 'posted his troops 
at the diffei-ent fording places. So keen was the pursuit 
that as the rear guard of the retreating army embarked, 
the van of the enemy came in sight. The British having 
driven the An»eiican army out of Jersey, posted themselves 
up and down the Dela^vare, and small parties passed and 
repassed from one to the other, without any interruption. 
They made some attempts to get boats, but failed. They 
also repaired some of the bridges that had been recently de- 
stroyed, and pus'ied forward a stnnig detachment toBorden- 
ton. This was intended to increase their chances for cross- 
ing ai ;<l to eiubarrass Washington, who could not tell from 
which of their several positions they would make the at- 
tempt. Gen. Piitna;n was in the mean tinie sent on to su- 
perintend the erection of liries of defence from the Schuyl- 
kill to the F)ttlaware, for the security of Philadelphia. Small 
redoubts were hastily thrown up to guard the fording pla- 



48 THE LIFE OF 

ces; and Gerniantown was fixed upon as a place of ren- 
(le«Lvous, ill case the British should cross and drive the 
Americans from their extended encampments on the Dela- 
ware. This retreat through the Jerseys was attended witK 
almost every circumstance that could occasion embarrass- 
ment or depression. Washington was pressed with diffi- 
culties on all sides. In casting his eyes around*, he could 
not promise hiniself adequate support from any quarter. 
His gloomy prospects were not brightened by any expecta- 
tions, on the fultilinent of which he could depend. Dis- 
trusting;, but not despairing, he asked Col. Reed, "Should 
we retreat to the back parts of Pennsylvania, will the Penn^ 
sylva!iians support us.^" The Colonel answered, "If the 
lower counties ai e sub iued and give up, the back counties 
will do the sanje." Washington nobly replied, "We must 
retire to Augusta county in Virginia. Numbers will be 
obliged to re|)air to us for safety, and we must try what we 
can do, in carrying on a picdatory war; and if overpower- 
ed, we must cross the Alleghany U'ountains." Gen. Wash- 
ington had nu covalry but a small corps of badly ii ounted 
Connecticut militia, antl was almost equally destitute of ar- 
tillery, while conducting this retreat, itconmienced in a 
few days after the reduction of Fort Washington, in winch 
the flower of the American army were made prisoners of war. 
A great part of the j;etreating troops consisted of those who 
had garrisoned Fort Lee. These hai] been compelled to 
abandon their post so suddenly, that they left behind them 
their tents, blankets, and cooking utensils, li. this situa- 
tion they retreated, badly armed, worse clad, and in many 
instances barefooted, in the cold ntonths of November and 
December, through a despoudins; country, more disposed 
to seek safety by submission than resistance. Under all 
these disa«lvanta»'es. they performed a march of about nine- 
ty miles, and had the address to piolong it to a space of 
nineteen days, that as much time as possible might be gain- 
ed for expected reinforcements to arrive. As they retreat- 
ed through the country, scarcely one of the inhabitants 
joined them; while numbers daily tlocked to the British 
army, and took the beiiefit of a royal proclamation issued 
at this ciitical time, for pardoning all who, within sixtj 
tiajs, would return to the condition of British subjects. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 49 

The small force which began this retreat was daily les- 
sening, bj the expiration of the teim of service for which 
thev were engaged. 'lhi» terminated in November with 
many, and in December with neat ly two thirds of the resi- 
due. No persuasions were availing to induce tlseir conti- 
nuance. They abandoned their General, when the advan- 
cing enemy was nearly in sight. The Pennsylvania militia 
was engaged to the first day of January, but they deserted 
in siic'i numbers that it became necessary to place guards 
at the ferries to stop them. Two regiments had been or- 
dered from Ticonderoga to join Gen. Washington, but 
their term of service expired on the first of December. — 
They refused to re-enlist, and went oft" to a man. General 
Lee, who cosnmanded the eastern troops, was repeatedly 
ordeied by \^ ashington to cross the North River, and joia 
the reneatihg army; but these orders were not obeyed.-— 
Whil^ at a distance both from his troops and the enemy, he 
was surprised and taken prisoner by the British. This be- 
gat suspicions, that, despairing of the success of the Ame- 
ricans, he had chosefi to abandon their service. Though 
these apprehensions were without foundation, they produ- 
ced the same mischievous effects on the minds of the peo- 
ple as if they were realities. About the same time con- 
gress thought it expedient to leave Philadelphia and retire 
to Psaltimore. 

Under all these trying circumstances, Washington was 
undismayed. He did not despair of the public safety.-— 
With unconqueiable firmness and the most perfect self- 
possession, he was always the same, and constantly showed 
hin)3elf to his army with a serene and undisturbed counte- 
nance. Nothirg was omitted by him that could embarrass 
the enemy, or animate his army an<l country. He forcibly 
pointed out to congress the defective constitutiois of their 
army, without cavalry, vvitliout artillery and engineers, and 
enlarged upon the impolicy of short enlistments, and plac- 
ing confidence in militia suddenly called out and frequently 
changed. He urged these matters with great warmth: but 
to prevent offence, ulded, '^A character to lose; an estate 
to forfeit; the inestimable blessings of liberty at stake: and 
a life devoted, must be my excuse." He also hinted at the 
propriety of enlarging his pr,wers so as to enable him to 
act in cases ef urgency, without application to congress; 



5d THE LIFE OF 

but apologized for this liberty by declaring, ••tliat lie felt 
no lust of power, and wished with the greatest fervency for 
an opportunity of turning the sword into a ploughshaje;" 
but added, his feelings as an officer and a man liad been 
such as to force him to say, that no person ever liad a great- 
er choice of disTiculties to contend with than himself." 

In this very dangerous crisis, VVashington made every 
exertion to procure reinforcements to supply the place of 
those who were daily leaving him. He sent generals Mif- 
flin and Armstrong to rouse th.e citizens of Pennsylvania. 
Col. Reed was dispatched to governor Livingston, to urge 
©n him the necessity of calling out the Jersey militia. 
These exertions were in a great measure unavailing, ex- 
cept in and near the city of Philadelphia. Fifteen hundred 
of the citizens of that metropolis associated together, and 
inarched to the aid of VVashington. Though most of these 
were accustomed to the habits of a city life, they sfept in 
tents, barns, and sometimes in the open air, during the cold 
months of December and January. 

On the capture of Gen. Lee, the •command of his army 
devolved on Geu. Sullivan, who in obedience to the orders 
formerly given, joined Gen. Washington. About the same 
time an addition was made to his force by the arrival of a 
part of the northern army. The Americans now amounted 
to about seven thousand men, though during the retreat 
through the Jerseys, they were seldom equal to half that 
number. The two armies were separated fioni each otlier 
by tlse river Delaware. The British, in the security of con- 
quest, cantoned their troops in Burlington, Bordenton, 
Trenton, and other towns in New Jersey, in daily expecta- 
tion of beina; enabled to cross into Pennsylvania by means 
of ice, which is generally formed about that time. On re- 
ceiving information of their numbers and different canton- 
ments, Washington observed, "Now is the time to clip 
their wings, when they are so spread." Yielding to his na- 
tive spirit of enterprise which had hitherto been repressed, 
he formed the bold design of recrossing the Delaware, and 
attacking the British posts on its eastern banks. 

In the evening of Christmas day he made arrangements 
for passing over in three divisions; at iM'^Konkey's ferry, 
at Trenton, and at or near Bordenton. The troops which 
were to have crossed at the two last places exerted them- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 51 

selves to get over, but failed from the quantity of ice which 
obstructed tiieir passage. The main body, about two 
thousand four hundred men, began to cross very early in 
the evening, but were so retarded by ice that it was nearly 
four o'clock in the meaning before they were in a condition 
to take up their line of riiarch on the Jersey side. They 
were formed in two divisions. One was ordered to proceed 
on the lower or river road, the other on the upper or Pen- 
nington road. These having nearly the same distance to 
march were ordered immediately on forcing the out guards 
to push directly into Trenton, that they might charge the 
1 enemy before they had time to form. Though they march- 
ed diiferent roads, yet they arrived witiiin three minutes of 
each other. The outguards of the Hessian troops at Tren- 
toa soon fell back; but kept up a constant reti-eating fire. 
Their main body being hard pressed by the Americans., 
who had already got possession of half their aitillery, at- 
tempted to file off by a road leading toward Princeton, but 
I were checked by a body of troops thrown in their way. 
( Finding they were surrounded, they laid down their arms. 
( The number which submitted was twenty-three officers, 
and eight hundred and eighty-six men. Between thirty 
\ and forty of the Hessians were killed and wounded. Col. 
I Rahl was among the former, and seven of his officers among 
( the latter. Capt. Washington of the Virginia troopsy 
1 and five or six of the Americans were wounded. Two 
' were killed, and two or three were frozen to death. The 
■detachment in Trenton consisted of the regiments of Rahl, 
Losberg and Kniphausen, amounting in the whole to about 
fifteen hundred men, and a troop of British light horse. 
' All these were killed or captured, except about six hun- 
I dred, who escaped by the road leading to 13ordenton. 

The British had a strong battalion of light infantry at 

I Princeton, and a force yet remaining near the Delaware, 

j superiour to the American army. Washington, therefore, 

I in the evening of the same day, thought it most prudent to 

cross into Pennsylva?iia with his prisoners. These being 

secured,' he re-crossed the Delaware, and took possession 

of Trenton. The detachments vvliich had been distributed 

over New Jersey previous to the capture of the Hessians, 

immediately after that event assembled at Princeton, and 

i were joined by the army from Brunswick under Lord Corn- 



52 THE LIFE OF 

wallis. From this position they came forwanl to Trenton 
in great torce, hoping,, by a vigorous onser, to repair the in- 
jury their cause had sustained by the late defeat. 

Truly delicate was the situation of the feeble American 
army. To retreat was to hazard the city of Hhiiadelphia, 
and to desstroy every ray of hope which began to dawn fiom 
their late success. To risk an action with a superi',iur loice 
in front, and a river in rear, was dan!i;erous in tie extreme. 
To get round th^ advanced party of the British, and, by 
pushing forwards to attack in their tear, was deen.ed pie- 
ferable to either. The British, on their advance from 
Piinceton, attacked a body of Americans which were post- 
ed with four field pieces a little to the northward of Tren- 
ton, and compelled them to retreat. The puisuing BiitisU 
being checked at the biidge over Sanpink creek by some 
field pieces, fell back so far as to be out of their reach.— - 
The Ameticans were drawn up on the opposite side of the 
ereek. and in thjit position remained til! niglit, cannonading 
the enemy, anvl receiving their fire. In this critical hour 
two armies, on which the success or failure of the Ameri- 
can revolution materially depended, were crowded into the 
small village of Trenton^ and only separated by a creek, in 
many pbict s [orda-.le. 

The British, believlno: theyliad all the advantages thej 
eould wish for, and th:.t they could us-e them v.hen they 
pleased, discontinued all iarthei- operations, and kept them- 
selves in reatiiness to make the attack ne\t morrdiig. But 
the next niorning presented a scene as brilliant on tlie one 
side, as it uas unexpected on the other. Soon after it be- 
came dark, Washington ordered all his l(agj2;age to be si* 
lently removed, and having left guards for the purpose of 
deception, marcl.ed with his whole force by a circuitous 
route to Princeton. This manoeuvre was determined upon 
in a council of v.ar, from a conviction that it would avoid 
the appearance of a retreat, and at the same time the haz- 
ard of an action in a bad position, and that it was t'u^ most 
likely way to preset ve t!ie city of Phih.delphia from falling 
into the hands of the British. Wasliinj:;ton also presuined 
that, from an eagerness to eiface the impressions made by 
the late capture of tiie Hessians at Trenton, the British 
commanders had pushed forwaril their piincipal force; and 
that the remainder in the rear at Princeton, was not njorc 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 53 

than equal to his own. The event verified this conjecture. 
The more effectually to disguise the departure of the Ame- 
ricans from Trenton, fires were lighted up in front of their 
camp. These not only gave an appearance of going to 
rest, but, as flame cannot be seen through, concealed from 
the British what was transacting behind them. In this re- 
lative position they were a pillar of fire to the one army, 
antfthe pillar of a cloud to the other. Providence favour- 
ed this movement of the Americans. The weather had 
been for some time so warm and moist that the ground was 
soft, and the roads so deep as to be scarcely passable; but 
the wind suddenly changed to the northwest, and the ground 
in a short time was frozen so hard that when the Americans 
took up their line of march, they were no more retarded 
than if they had been upon a solid pavement. 

Washington reached Princeton early in the morning, an(\ 
would have completely surprised the British, had not a 
party which was on their way to Trenton, descried his 
troops when they were about tv/o miles distant, and sent 
back couriers to alarm their unsuspecting fellovv soldiers 
in their rear. These consisted of the ITth, the 40th, and 
55th regiments of British infantry, and some of the Royal 
artillery with two field pieces, and three troops of light 
dragoons. The centre of the Americans consisting of the 
Philadelphia militia, while on their line of march, was 
briskly charged by a party of the British, and gave way in 
disorder. The moment was critical. Washington pushed 
forward, and placed himself between his own men and the 
British, with his horse's head fronting the latter. The 
Americans, encouraged by liis example and exhoi tations, 
made a stand, and returned the British fire. The Genei^l, 
though between both pirties, was providentially uninjured 
by eith.er. A party of the Biitish fled into the college, and 
were there attacked with field pieces, which were fired in- 
to it. The seat of the muses became for some time the 
scene of action. The party which had taken refjge in the 
college, after receiving a few discharges from the Ameri- 
can field pieces, came out and surrendered themselves j)ri- 
scners of war. In the course of the engagement sixty of 
the I^ritish were killed, and a great number wounded, ^and 
about three hundred of them taken prisoners. The rest 
E 



54 THE LIFE OF 

made tlieir escape, some by pushing on to Trenton; others 
by returning to Iirunswick. 

While they were figliting in Princeton, the British in 
Trenton vveie uncier amis, and on the point of making an 
assault on the evacuated camp of the Americans. With so 
much address had tiie movement to Princeton been con- 
ducted, that though from the critical situation of tlie two 
armies exeiy ear may be supposed to have been open, and 
every watchluiness to have been employed, yet Washing- 
ton moved completely otT the ground with his whole force, 
stores, baggage, and artillery, unknown to, and unsuspect- 
ed by his adversaries. The British in Trenton were so en- 
tirely deceived, tiuit wlien they heard the report of the ar- 
tillery at Princeton, though it was in the depth of winter, 
tiiey supposed it to be thunder. 

The British, astonished at these bold movements of an 
enemy supposed to be vanquished, instantly fell back with 
their whole force, and aban<loned every post they held to 
tire southward of New York, except Brunswick and Am- 
bov. 



CHAPTER IV. 
CAMPAIGN OF 177: 



Of the operations of General ^Yasbington in New Jersey and Penn- 
sylvania, in tlie campaig-n of 1777. — The battles of Brandywine 
and Germantown. — U'ashin^ton is advised by the Rev. Jacob 
Duche, to give up the contest. — The distresses of the American 
ajTT^y. — Its winter quarters in Valley Forg-e. — (Jeneral Washing-ton 
is assailed by the clamours of discontented individuals and pubhc 
bodies, and by the designs of a faction to supersede him in his of- 
office as commander in chief. 

The victories at Trenton and Princeton produced the 
most extensive eiiects, and had a decided influence on sub- 
sequent events. Philadelphia was saved for that winte . 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 55 

Jersey was recovered. The drooping spirits of the Ame- 
ricans were revived. The g!o(^tnj apprehensions v.hich 
had lately prevailed, of their being engaged in a hopeless 
cause, yielded to a confidence in their General and tlieir 
army, and in the ultimate success of their struggles for 
liberty and independence. So strong an impulse v^as given 
to the recruiting service in every part of the; United States, 
as gave good ground to hope that the commander in chief 
would be enabled to take the field in the spring with a per- 
manent regular army, on the new terms of enlistment. 

After the campaign had been thus carried into the montk 
of January, Washington retired to Morristown, that he 
might aiford shelter to his suffering army. His situation 
there was far from being eligible. His force for some con- 
siderable time was trifling, v.hen compared with that of 
the British; but the enemy and his ovvti countrymen be- 
lieved the contrary. Their deception was cherished and 
artfully continued by the parade of a large army. Wash- 
ington placed his officers in positions of difficult access, and 
they kept up a constant communication with each other. — 
This secured them from insult and surprise. While they 
covered the country, they harassed the foraging parties of 
the British and confined tliem to narrow limits. 

The remainder of the winter season passed over in a 
light war of skirmishes. These were generally in favour 
of the Americans; but Washington's views were much more 
extensive. He hoped that his country, encouraged by the 
late successes at Trenton and Princeton, would have placed 
at his disposal a large and efficient army, equal to that of 
the enemy. To obtain it, he urged with great earnestness the 
advantage of being enabled to undertake decisive operations 
before reinforcements to the Britisli army should arrive. 
Congress, at liis instance, passed the requisite resolutions; 
but these could not be carried into effect without the aid of 
the state legislatures. The delays incident to this slow 
mode of doing business, added to the recollection of the 
suffering of the troops in the last campaign, retarded the 
recruiting service. Washington with iniinite reluctance 
was obliged to give up his favourite project Of an early 
active campaign. 

In the advarice of the spring, when recruits were ob- 
tained, a difficulty arose in assembling them from thedif- 



56 THE LIFE OF 

lei-ciit states in Mliich they had been enlistcil. As. liie Brie 
ish had possessiuu of the ocean, they couid at pleasure 
transfer the war to any maritime portion of the union. 
Each state, anxious for its particular safety, claimed pio- 
tection from the common army of the whole. Had tliey 
been i-nduigc.d, the feeble remnant under the immediate 
direction of the commander in chief would liave been un- 
equal to any p;reat enterprise. To these partial calls he 
opposed all his authority and influence, and his pointed re- 
presentations made an impression in favour of primary ob- 
jects. These were to prevent the British from getting 
possession of Philadel|}hia, or the highlands on the Hud- 
son. Bt)th were of so nearly equal importance to their in- 
terest, that it was impossible to ascertain which should be 
preferred by Sir William Howe. In this uncertainty, 
V/ashington made such an airangement of his troops as 
Y.'oukl enable him to oppose either. The northern troops 
v.ere divided between Ticonderoga and Peekskillf while 
ilmie from Jersey and the South were encamped at jN'Jid- 
diebrook, near tlie l^ariton. The American force collected 
at this strong and defensible encampment, was nominally 
between nine and ten thousand men; but the effective rank 
and file was about six thousand. A majority of these were 
raw recruits: and a considerable number of such as had 
been enlisted in the middle states were foreigners or ser- 
vants. To encourage the deserflon of troops so slightly 
attached to the American cause. Gen. Howe offered a re- 
ward to every soldier who would come over to his army, 
and an additional compensation to such as would bring their 
arms with them. To counteract these propositions, Wash- 
ington recommended to congress to give full pardon to all 
Americans who would relinquish the British service. 

The campaign opened early in June on the part of the 
British, who advanced toward Philadelphia as fiir as Somer- 
set county in New Jersey; but they soon fell back to New 
Brunswick. After this ^ retreat, Sir William Howe en- 
deavoured to provoke Washington to an engagement, and 
left no mana-uvre untried that v/as calculated to induce 
him to quit his position. At one time he appeared as if he 
intended to push on, without regarding the army opposed 
to him. At another, he accurately examined the situation 
of the American encampment; hoping diat some unguard- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 57 

ed part might be found on which an attack might be made 
that would open the way to a general engaigement. All 
these hopes were frustrated. Washington kne\v the full 
value of his situation. He had too much penetration to lose 
it from the circumvention of military manoeuvres, and too 
much temper to be provoked to a dereliction of it. He 
was well apprised it was not the interest of his country to 
commit its fortune to a single action. 

Sir William Howe suddenly relinquished his position in 
front of the Americans, and retired with his whole force to 
. Amboy. The apparently retreating British were pursued 
by a considerable detachment of the American army, and 
Washington advanced from Middlelsrook to Quibbletovvn, 
to be near at hand for the support of his advanced parties. 
The British general immediately marched his army back 
from Amboy, with great expedition, hoping to bring on a 
general action on equal ground; but he was disappointed. 
Washington fell back, and posted his army in such an ad- 
vantageous situation as compensated for the inferioritv of 
his numbers. Sir William Howe was now fully convinced 
of the impossibility of compelling a general en^a^ciicnt. 
on equal terms, and also satisfied that it would be too liiiK- 
ardous to attempt passing tlie Delaware while the country 
was in arms, and tiie main American army in full force in 
his rear. He therefore returned to x\mboY,. and tlieyce 
passed over to Staten Island, resolving to prosecute fhe 
objects of ti)e campaign by an embarkation of his whole 
force at New York. During the period of these move- 
ments, tb.e real designs of Gen. Howe were involved in oh- 
scui-ity. Though the season f«r military operations' wa;^ 
advanced as far as the month of July, yet his detern.tinate 
object could not be ascertained. Notidng on Ids part feid 
hitherto taken place, but alternately advancing and retreat- 
ing. Washington's embarrassment on i\\\i account was 
increased by inteiiigence which airived, that Eurg'.>vij^^ 
was advancing; in gieat force toward New York from Can- 
ada. Appreiiejiding that Sir William Howe would ulti- 
mately move up the Nortli River, asid that his nsov^ments 
which looked southwardly, were feints, tlie Americari chief 
.detached a brigade to reinforce the northern division of Ids 
army. Succe^s^ive advices of the advance of Burij:oyjie fa- 
voured the idea that a junction of tiie iwn royal arndesnear 
E 2 " 



58 THE LIFE OF 

Albany ^vas intended. Some movetnents were therefore 
made by Washington towaid Peekskill, and on the other 
side toward 'I'renton, while the main army was encamped 
near the Clove, in readiness to march either to the north 
or south, as the movements of Sir William Howe might re- 
quire. 

After the British had left Sandy Hook, they looked into 
the Delaware, and suddenly again put out to sea, and were 
not heard of for near three weeks, except that once or twice 
they had been seen near the coast steering southwardly. 
Charleston, in South Carolina, was supposed to be their ob- 
ject at one time; at anotlier Philadelphia by the way of 
die Chesapeak: at another, the Highlands of New York, to 
cu-opcrate with Burgoyne. 

The perplexing uncertainty concerning the destination 
of tl^e enemy which embarrassed the movements of WaL<!'i- 
ington, was' not (k)ne away before the middle of August, 
wh^n certain accounts were received that the British had 
taken possession of t}*e Chesapeak, and landed as near to 
Philadelphia as was practicable. While the object of t!ic 
campaign was doubtful, e\evy disposition was made to de- 
fend all the supposed probable points of attack except 
Charleston. This being at the distance of seven or eight 
hundred miles, could not be assisted by an army marching 
over land, in time to oppose the enemy conveyed thither 
by water. While this idea prevailed, arrangements were 
inade to employ the American army either against the 
enemy advancing from Albany, or against the British posts 
in New York, with the hope of making reparatioTi for the 
expected loss of Charleston, As soon as the arrival of 
i}-)e British in the Chesapeak was known, Washington or- 
dered the dilierent divisions of his army to unite in the 
neighbourhood of Philadelphia, toward the head of Elk; 
and the militia of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and the north- 
ern counties of Virginia to take the field. He had previously 
v/ritten very pressing letters to the governors of the east- 
ern states, and to the generals in the western parts of these 
states, to strengthen the northern army opposed to Bur- 
goyne; and even weakened h.imself by detaching simie of 
his best troops, particularly Morgan's riflemen, on that im- 
portant service. In the spirit of true patriotism lie di- 
minished his own chances of acquiring fame,.that the com- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 59 

mon cause might be most efFectually promoted by the heat 
disposition of ti\e forces under his command, for simultane- 
ous opposition to both Howe and Burgoyne. 

Washington passed his army with every appearance of 
confidence through (he city of Pluladelphia, with a view of 
making some impression on the disaffected of that city, 
and afterward proceeded toward the head of Elk. About 
the same time he 'directed Gen. Smalhvood, with the nsi- 
litia of Maryland and Delaware, and some continental 
troops, to hang on the rear of the enemy. As a substitute 
for Morgan's riHemen, Gen. Maxwell was furnished with 
a corps of light infantry, amounting to one thousand men, 
and directed to annoy tlie Biitish on their march through 
the country. These troops were afterward reinforced with 
Gen. Wayne's division. Though the militia did not turn out 
with that alacrity which might have been expected from t!ie 
energetic calls of Washington, yet a respectable force was 
assembled, which imposed on Sir William Howe a neces- 
sity of proceeding with caution. The royal army set out 
from the eastern heads of the Chesapeak on tlie third of 
September, with a spirit which promised to compensate 
for the var'ous delaj's which had hilherto wasted the cam- 
paign. They advanced with great circumspection and 
boldness till they were within two miles of the American 
arm}', which was then posted in the vicinity of New P(^rt. 
Washington soon changed his ground, and took post on 
the high ground near Chadd's Ford, on the Erandywine 
creek, with an intention of disputing the passage. It was 
the wish, but by no means the interest, of the Americans, 
to try their strength in an engagement. Theii- regular 
troops were not only inferiour indiscipline, but in numbers, 
to the royal army. The opinion of tlie inhabitants, though 
founded on no circumstances more substantial than their 
wishes, imposed a species of necessity on the American 
General to keep his army in front of the enemy, and to risk 
.an action for the security of Philadelphia. Instead of this, 
. had he taken the ridge of high mountains on his right the 
' British must have respected his numbers, and probably 
would have followed him up the country. In this manner 
the campaign might have been wasted away in a manner 
fatal to the invaders; but the bulk of the American people 
were so iuspatient of delays, and had such an overweening 



60 THE'LflE OF 

conceit of the numbers and prowess of their army, that they 
could not compreliend the wisdom and policy of mancBU- 
vrestoshun a ireniMal engagement. 

On this occHjiun neces?>ity dictated that a sacrifice should 
be made on the altar of public opinion. A genera! action 
was, therefore, hazarded. This took place at Chadd's Ford, 
on the Brandywine, a small stream which empties itself 
into Christiana creek, near its conflux with the river Dela- 
ware. 

The royal army advanced at day break in two columns 
commanded by lieutenant general Kniphausen and", lord 
Cornwallis. They first took the direct road to Chadd's 
Ford, and made a show of passing it, in front of the main 
body of the Americans. At the sajue time the other co- 
lumn moved up on the west side of the Brandywine to its 
fork, and crossed both its branciies, and then marched down 
on tlie east side thereof, vvith the view of turning the right 
wing of their adversaries. 

Tills they effected, and compelled them to retreat with 
great loss. Geo. Kniphausen amused the Americans with 
the appearance of crossing the Ford, but did not attempt 
it until lord Cornwallis, having crossed above and moved 
down on the opposite side, had commenced his attack. 
Kniphausen then crossed the Ford and attacked the troops 
posted for its defence. These, after a severe conflict, 
were compelled to give way. Tiie retreatof the Ameri- 
cans seon became general', and was continued to Ciiester. 
>Their loss was about nine hundred, and considerably ex- 
ceeded that ot the British. The final issue of battles often 
depends on small circumstances, vliich human prudence 
catinot control. One of tisese occurred here, and prevent- 
ed Gen. Washington from executing a bold design, to ef- 
fect which his troops were actually in motion. This was 
to cross the Brandywine, and attack Kniphausen, while 
Gen. Sullivan and lord Stirling should keep eari Coin- 
wailis in check. In the nu)st ciitical moment Washington 
received intelligence which he was obliged to credit, that 
the column of lord Cornwallis had been only making a 
feint, and was returning to join Kniphausen. This {Prevent- 
ed the execution of a plan, which, if carried into eftect, 
would probably have given a different turn to the events of 
the day. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 61 

Wasliington made every exertion to repair the loss wliicli 
had been sustained. The battle of Braudyvvine was repre- 
sented as not being decisive. Cangress and the people 
wished to hazard a second engagement for the security of 
Philadelphia. Howe sought for it, and Washington did not 
decline it. He therefore advanced as far as the Warren 
tfivein, on the Lancaster road, with an intention of meeting 
his adversary. Near that place both armies were on the 
point of engaging with their whole force; but were pre- 
vented by a n"iost violent storm of rain, which continued for 
a wlmle day and night. When the rain ceased, the Amer- 
icans found that their ammunition was entirely ruined. — . 
They therefore withdrew to a place of safety. Before a 
proper supply was procured, the British marched from 
their, position near the VVhite Horse tavern, down toward 
the Swedes Ford. The Americans again took post in their 
front, but the British instead of urging an action, began to 
march up toward Reading. To save the stores which had 
I been deposited \n that place, Washington took a new posi- 
' tion, and left the British in undisturbed possession of the 
' roads which lead to Philadelphia. His troops were worn 
down with a succession of severe duties. There w ere in 
i his army above a thousand men who were barefooted, and 
! who had performed all their late movements in that condi- 
j tion. 

Though Washington had failed in his object of saving 

I Philadelphia, yet h^ retained the confidence of congress 

and the states. With an army inferiour in numbers, disci- 

( pline and equipments, he delayed the British army thirty 

1 days in advancing sixty miles through an open country, 

: without fortifications, and the waters of which weie every 

I where fordable. Though defeated in one general action, 

; he kept together his undisciplined and unprovided army, 

i and in less than a week otfered battle to his successful aU- 

j versaiy. When this was prevented by a storm of rain 

' which ruined his ammunition, while many of his soldiers 

were without bayonets, he extric^ited them from the most 

imminent danger, and maintained a respectable standing. 

Instead of immediately retiring into winter quarters,he ap- 

])roached the enemy and encamped on the Skippack road. 

The British army took their stand in Philadelph.ia and Ger- 

I mantown, .shortly after the battle of Brandy wine. From 



62 THE LIFE OF 

thfese positions, especially the last, considerable detach- 
ments were sent to Chester and the vicinity, to favour an 
attempt to open the navigation of the river Delaware, whicli 
had been obstructed with great ingenuity and industry by 
the Americans. 

About the same time the American army received a re- 
inforcement of two thousand five hundred men, which in- 
creased its eifective force to eleven thousand. 

General Washington conceived that the present moment 
furnished a fair opportunity for enterprise. He therefore 
resolved to attack the British in Germantown. Their line 
of encampment crossed that village at right angles; the 
left v*ing extending on the west of the SchuylKill. That 
wing was covered in front and flank by the German chas- 
seurs. A battalion of light infantry, and the queen's Amer- 
ican rangers were in front of the right. The 40th regi- 
ment, with another battalion of infantry, was posted at the 
bead of the village. The Americans moved from their en- 
campment on the Skippack road in the evening of the third 
of October, with the intention of surprising their adversa- 
ries early next morning, and to attack both wings in front 
and rear at the same time, so as to prevent the several pai'ts 
from supporting each other. The divisions of Greene and 
Stevens, flanked by M'DougaPs brigade, were to enter by 
the Limekiln road. The militia of Maryland and Jersey 
under Generals Smallwood and Furman, were to march by 
the old York road, and to fall upon the rear of their right. 

Lord Stirling, with Nashe's and Maxwell's brigade, were 
to form a corps de reserve. The Americans began their 
attack about sunrise, on the 40th regiment, and a battalion 
of light infantry. These being obliged to retreat, were pur- 
sued into the village. On their retreat, Lieut. Col. Mus- 
grove, witli six companies took post in Mr. Chew's strong 
stone hou.se, which lay in front of the Americans. From 
an adherence to the military maxiin of never leaving a fort 
possessed by an enemy in the rear, it was resolved to attack 
the paity in the house. 

In the mean time Gen. Greene got up v/ith his column, 
and attacked the right wing. Col. ^Iatthews routed a party 
of the British opposed to him, killed several and took one 
hundred and ten prisoners; but, from the darkness of the 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 63 

day, lost sight of the brigade to which he belonged, and 
having separated from it, was taken prisoner, with his whole 
regiment; and the prisoners whicli he had previously taken 
were released. A nunjber of the troops in Greene's di- 
vision were stopped by the halt of the party before Chew's 
house. Near one half of tlie American army remained for 
some time at that place inactive. In the mean time Gen. 
Grey led on three battalions of the third brigade, and at- 
tacked with vigour. A sharp contest followed. Two Bri- 
tish regiments attacked at the same time on the opposite 
side of the town. General Grant moved up the 49th regi- 
ment to the aid of those who were engaged with Greene's 
eoliimn. 

I The morning was foggy. This, by concealing the true 
situation of the parties, occasioned mistakes, and made so 
much caution necessary as to give the British time to re- 
cover from the eifects of their first surprise. From these 
causes the early promising appearances on the part of the 
assailants were speedily reversed. The Americans left 
the field hastily, and all efforts to rally them were ineffec- 
jtual. Washington was obliged to relinquish the victory he 
Jhad thought within his grasp, and to turn his whole atten- 
(tion to the security of his army* A retreat about twenty 
miles to Perkioming was ma^le, with the loss of only one 
'piece of artillery. In the engagement the loss of the Amer- 
licans, including the wounded and four hundred prisoners, 
(was about eleven hundred. A considerable part of this 
I was occasioned by the 40th regiment, which, from the doors 
*and windows of Mr. Chew's large stone house, kept up a 
I constant fire on their uncovered adversaries. 

The plan of the battle of Germantown was judicious, 
and its commencement well conducted; but to ensure its 
successful execution, a steady co-operation of the several 
divisions of the assailants was necessary. The numerous 
enclosures to be passed, and the thickness of the fog, ren- 
dered this impossible; especially by troops who were im- 
perfectly disciplined, and v.ithout the advantage of expe- 
rience. 

Congress voted tlieir unanimous thanks "to general 
Washington for his wise and well concerted attack, and to 
the officers and soldiers of the army, for their brave exer- 
^tioni OH that occasion;" and added, ''they were well sa- 



64 THE LIFE OF 

tisfiecl that the best designs and boldest efforts may some- 
times fail by unforeseen incidents." 

In the latter partof the campaign of 1777, in proportion 
as the loss of Phihidelphia became more probable, Wash- 
ington took every precaution eventually to diminish its 
value to the enemy. Orders were given for moving the 
military stores and the vessels at the wharves of that city 
higher up the Delaware." From the time that the British 
got possession, every aid consistent with greater objects - 
was given to the forts constructed on the Delaware for op- ' 
posing the British in their attempts to open the navigation 
of that river. Troops were stationed on both sides of the 
Delaware to prevent the inhabitants from going with their 
provisions to the market of Philadelphia, and to destroy 
small foraging parties sent out to obtain supplies for the 
royal army. These arrangements being made, Washing- 
ton advanced toward Philadelphia. His objects were to 
enfeeble the royal army in their operations against the 
forts on the Delaware; to attack them if circumstances fa- 
voured, and prevent their receiving supplies from the 
country. The British shortly after evacuated German - 
town; concentrated tlieir force at Philadelphia, and direct- 
ed their principal attention to the opening the navigation 
of the Delaware. This employed them for more than six 
weeks; and after a gieat display of gallantry on both sides, 
was finally accomplished. 

In this discouraging state of public affairs, a lon<!; l&tter 
was addressed by the reverend Jacob Duche, late chaplain 
of congress, and a clergyman of the first rank, for char- 
acter, piety, and eloquence, to general Washington; the 
purport of which was, to persuade him that further resist- 
ance to Great Britain was hopeless, and would only in- 
crease the calamitiesof their common country; and under 
this impression to uige him to make the best terms he 
could with the British commander, and to give up the con- 
test. Such a letter, at such a time, in unison with the 
known sentiments of many desponding citi'/.ens, from a per- 
son whose character and connections ])laced him above all 
suspicion of treacliery, and whose attachment to his native 
country, America, was iriK(uestional)le, could not have fail- 
ed to make an impjession 'on minds of a feeble texture; 
but from Washington, v;ho never despaired of his countrv, 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 65 

the laboured epistle of the honest, but timid divine, receiv- 
ed no further notice than a verbal message to the writer 
thereof, ^'That if the contents of his letter had been known, 
it should have been returned unopened." 

While Sir William Howe was succeeding in every en- 
terprise in Pennsylvania, intelligence arrived that Gen. 
Burgoyne and his whole army had surrendered prisoners 
of war to the Americans. Washington soon after received 
a considerable reinforcement from the northern army, 
Avhich had accomplished this great event. With this in- 
creased force, he took a position at and near Wliitemarsh. 
The royal army having succeeded in removing the obstruc- 
tions in the river Delaware, were ready for new enter- 
prises. Sir William Howe marched out of Philadelphia, 
with almost his whole force, expecting to bring on a gen- 
eral engagement. The next morning he appeared on 
Chesnut hill, in front of, and about three miles distant from 
the right wing of tlie Americans. On the day following 
the British changed their ground, and moved to the right. 
l\vo days after they moved still further to the right, and 
irade every appearance of an intention to attack the Ame- 
rican encampment. Some skirmishes took place, and a 
general action was hourly expected; but instead thereof, 
on the morning of the next day, after various marches and 
countermarches, the British filed oft' from their right by 
two or three different routes, in full march for Philadel- 
phia. 

While the two armies were manceuvering in constant 
expectation of an immediate engagement, Washington rode 
through every bi igade of his army, and with a firm steady 
countenance gave orders in person how to receive the ene- 
my, and paiticularly urged on his tioops to place their 
chief dependance on the bayonet. His position in a mil- 
itary point of view was admirable. He was so sensible of 
the advantages of it, that the manoeuvres of Sir William 
Howe for some days could not allure him from it. In con- 
sequence of the reinforcement lately received, he had not 
in any preceding period of the campaign been in an equal 
condition for a general engagement. Though he. ardently 
w:shed to be attacked, yet he would not relinquish a posi- 
tion from which he hoped for reparation for the adversities 
f the campaign. He could not believe that Gen. Howe, 
F 



()6 -^ THE LIFE OF 

with a victorious army, and that lately reinforced with four 
thousand men from New York, should come out of Phila- 
delpliia only to return thither again. He therefore pie- 
sumed, that to avoid the disgrace of such a movement, the^ 
British commander would, from a sense of military honour, 
be compelled to attack him, though under gieat disadvan- 
tages. When he found him cautious of engaging, and in- 
clining to his left, a daring design was formed, which would 
have been executed had the Biitish either continued in 
their position or moved a little farther to the left of the 
American army. This was to have attempted in the night 
to surprise Philadelphia. 

Three days after the retreat of the British, Washington 
communicated in general orders, his intention of retiring 
into winter quarters. He expressed to his army high ap- 
pirobation of their past conduct; gave an encouraging state- 
ment of the prospects of their country; exhorted them to 
bear the hardships inseparable from their situation, and en- 
deavoured to convince their judgments that these were ne- 
cessary for the public good, and unavoidable from the dis- 
tressed situation of the new formed states. 

The same care to cut oft* all communication between the 
enemy and the country was continued, and the same means 
employed to secure that object. Gen. Smallwood was de- 
tached to \A'ilmington to guard the Delaware. Col. Mor- 
gan, who had lately returned from the victorious northern 
army, was placed on the lines on the west side of the 
Schuylkill; arul Gen. Armstrong near the old camp at the 
Whitemarsh, with a respectable force under the command 
of each, to prevent the countiy people from carrying provi- 
sions to the market in Philadelphia. 

Valley Forge, about twenty -five n^iles distant from Phi- 
ladelphia, was fixed upon for the winter quarters of the 
Americans. This position was preferred to distant and 
more comfortable villages, as being calculated to give the 
njost extensive security to the country. The American 
army might have been tracked by tlie blood of their feet in 
marchinp; without slioes or stockings, over the hard frozen 
ground between Whitemarsh and the Valley Forge. Un- 
der tiiese circumstances, they had to sit down in a wood 
in the latter end of December, and to build huts for their 
accomuiodaliun. To a want of clothing was added a want 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 6!; 

of provisions. For some days there was little less than a 
famine in the camp. Washington was compelled to make 
seizures for the support of his army. Coiij^ress had autho- 
rized him so to do; but he wished the civil authority to 
manage the delicate business of impressment, and regret- 
ted the measure as subversive of discipline, and calculated 
to raise in the soldiers a disposition to licentiousness and 
plunder. To suffer ids army to starve or disband, or to feed 
them by force, were the only alternatives olfered to his 
choice. Though he exercised these extraordinary powers 
with equal reluctance and discretion, his lenity was virtual- 
ly censured by congress, "as proceeding from a delicacy 
in exerting military authority on the citizens, which, in 
their opinion, might prove, prejudicial to the general liber- 
ties eif America;" at the same time his rigour was con- 
demned by those from whom provisions were forcibly taken. 
The sound judgment and upright principles of the com- 
mander in chief gave a decided preference to the mode of 
supplying his army by fair contract, but the necessities 
thereof proceeding from bad management in the commis- 
sary department; the depreciation of the congress bills of 
credit; the selfishness of the farmers in preferring British 
metalic to American paper money, together with the 
eagerness of congress to starve the British army in Phila- 
delphia, compelled him to extort supplies for his army at 
the point of the bayonet. In obedience to congress, he is- 
sued a proclanmtion, "calling on the farmers within sev- 
enty miles of head-quarters to thresh out one half of their 
grain by the first of February, and the residue by the first 
of*March, under the penalty of having the whole seized as 
strawy." 

Great were the difficulties Washington had to contend 
with for feeding and clothing his iirmy; but they were 
not the only ones which at this time pressed on him. The 
states of Pennsylvania and New Jersey were importunate 
with him to cover them from the incursions of the enemy. 
In both, there were many discontented individuals, who 
regretting their past losses and present danger from the vi- 
cinity of a conquering army, were so far misled by their 
feelings as to suppose it to be the fault of Gen. Washing- 
ton, that the inferiour destitute army under his imraedia,te 
command had not been as successful as. the superiour well 



68 THE LIFE OF 

supported nortlif^rn army under Gen. Gates. The legisla- 
ture of Pennsylvania, probably sore from the loss of theii* 
capital, ou hearing that AVashington was about to retire into 
winter quarters, presented a remonstrance to congress 
on that subject, in v/hich their dissatisfaction with the Gen- 
eral was far from being concealed. A copy of this being 
sent to him, he addressed congress in terms very different 
from liis usual style. He stated, "that though every thing 
in his power had been done for supporting his army, yet 
tjieir inactivity, arising from their manifold wants, was 
charged to liis account; that the army seldom had provi- 
sions for two days in advance; that few of his men had more 
than one shirt, many only a moiety of one, and some none 
at all; tliat soap, vinegar, and such like articles, though 
allowed by congress, had not been seen in camp for seve- 
ral weeks; that by a field return two thousand eight hun- 
dred and ninety -eight of his army were unfit for duty, be- 
cause they were barefooted, and otherwise naked; that his 
whole effective force in camp amounted to no more than 
eight thousand two hundred men fit far duty; that notwith- 
standing these complicated wants, the remonstrance of the 
Pennsylvania legislature reprobated the measure of his go* 
ing into winter quarters, as if its authors thought the sol- 
diers were made of stocks or stones, and as if they conceiv- 
ed it easily practicable for an inferiour army, circunjstanced 
as his was, to confine a superiour one, well appointed and 
every way provided for a winter's campaign, within the 
city of Philadelphia, and to cover all the circumjacent coun-- 
try from their depredation." He assured the complain^rs 
'Hhat it was much easier to draw up remonstrances in a 
comfortable room by a good fire-side, than to occupy a cold 
bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow, without clothes 
or blankets." 

To the other vexations which crowded on Gen. V»^ash- 
ington at the close of the campaign of 1777, was added one 
of a peculiar nature. Though he was conscious he had 
never solicited, and that it was neither from motives of in- 
terest, nor of ambition, he had accepted the command of the 
army, and that he had with clean hands and a pure heart, 
to the utmost of his power, steadily pursued what his best 
judgment informed him was for the interest of his coun- 
try; yet he received certain information that a cabal, con- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 69 

listing of some members of congress, and a few general 
officers of the army, was plotting to supersede him in his 
command. The scheme was to obtain the sanction of some 
of the state legislatures to instruct their delegates to move 
in congress for an inquiry into the causes of the failures of 
the campaigns of 1776 and 1777, with the hope that some 
intemperate resolutions passsd by them would eithe?r lead 
to the removal of the general, or wound his military feel- 
ings so as to induce his resignation. Anonymous papers 
containing high charges against him, and urging the neces- 
sity of putting some more energetic officer at the head of 
the army, were sent to Henry Laurens, President of con- 
gress, Patrick Henry, governor of Virginia, and others.— 
These were forwarded to Gen. Wasliington. In his reply 
to Mr. Laurens, he wrote as follows: "1 cannot sufficient- 
ly express the obligation I feel toward you for yaur friend- 
ship and politeness, upon an occasion in which I am so 
deeply interested. I was not unapprized tliat a malignant 
faction had been for some time forming to my prejudice, 
which, conscious as I am of having ever done all in my 
power to answer the important purposes of the trust repos- 
ed in me, could not but give me some pain on a personal 
account; but my chief concern arises from an apprehension 
of the dangerous consequences which intestine dissensions 
may prove to the common cause. 

"'As I have no other view than to promote the public 
good, and am unambitious of honours not founded in the 
approbation of my country, I would not desire in the least 
degree to suppress a free spirit of inquiry into any part of 
my conduct, th.at even faction itself may deem reprehensi- 
ble. The anonymous paper handed you exhibits many se- 
rious charges, and it is my wish that it may be submitted 
to congress. This I am tlie more inclinefffo, as the sup- 
pression or concealment may possibly involve you in em- 
barrassments hereafter, since it is uncertain hovv many, cr 
who may be privy to the contents. 

•'My enemies take an ungenerous advantage ofme.-^ 
They know the delicacy of my situation, and that motives 
of policy deprive me of t'.ie defence I might otherwise make 
against their insidious attacks. They know I cannot com- 
bat insinuations, however injurious, without disclosing se- 
crets it is of the utmost moment to conceal. But why 
F 2 "^ 



70 THE LIFE OF 

should I expect to be exempt from censure, the unfailing 
lot of an elevated station? Merit and talents, which I can- 
not pretend to rival, have ever been subject to it; my heart 
tells me it has been my unremitted aim to do the best which 
circumstances would permit; yet I may have been very 
often mistaken in my judgment of the means, and may, in 
many instances, deserve the imputation of error." 

About the same time it was reported that Washington 
had determined to resign his command. On this occasion 
he wrote to a gentleman in New England as follows: "I 
can assure you that no person ever heard me drop an ex- 
pression that had a tendency to resignation. The same 
principles that led me to embark in the opposition to 
the arbitrary claims of Great Britain, operate with addi- 
tional force at this day; nor is it my desire to withdraw^my 
services while they are considered of importance in the 
present contest; but to report a design of this kind is among 
the arts which those who are endeavouring to effect a 
change, are practising to bring it to pass. I have said, and 
I still do say, that tl^ere is not an officer in the United States 
that would return to the sweets of domestic life with more 
heart-felt joy tlian I should. But I would have this decla- 
ration accompanied by these sentiments, that while the pub- 
lic are satisfied vvitli my endeavours, 1 mean not to shrink 
from the cause; but the moment her voice, not that of fac- 
tion, calls upon me to resign, I shall do it with as much 
pleasure as ever the weary traveller retired to rest." 

These machinations did not abate the ardour of Wash- 
ington in the common cause. His patriotism was too solid 
to be shaken either by envy or ingiatitude. Nor was the 
smallest effect produced in diminisliing his well earned re- 
putation. Zeal the most active, and services the most be- 
neficial, and at the same time disinterested, had rivetted 
him in the affections of his country and army. Even tiie 
victorious troops under general Gates, though compari- 
sons highly fiattering to their vanity had been made be- 
tween them and the army in Pennsylvania, clung to Wash- 
ington as their political saviour. The resentment of the 
people was generally excited against those who were sup- 
posed to be engaged in or friendly to the scheme of ap- 
pointing a new commander in chief over the American 
army. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON, 71 



CHAPTER V. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1778. 

General Washington prepares for tlie Campaign of 1778. — Surprises 
the British, and defeats them at Monmouth. — Arrests general 
Lee. — Calms the irritation excited by the departure of the French 
fleet from Rhode-Island to Boston. — Dissuades from an invasion of 
Canada. 

Washington devoted the short respite from field duty 
which followed the encampment of the army at Valley 
Forge, to prepare for an early and active campaign in the 
year 1778. He laboured to impress on congress the neces- 
sity of having iiy the field a regular army, at least equal to 
that of the enemy. He traiiSuitted to the individual states 
a return of the troops they hud severally furnished for the 
continental army. While this exhibited to each its defici- 
ency, it gave the geiieral an opportunity to urge on them 
respectively the necessity of completing their quotas. 

Congress deputed a committee of their hody to reside in 
camp, and, in concert with Gen. Washington, to investigate 
the state of the army, and to report such reforms as might 
be deemed expedient. This committee, known by the name 
of "The Committee of Arrangements," rapaired to Valley 
Forge, in January, 1778. AAashington laid before them a 
statement, in which a comprehensive view of the army was 
taken, and in which minutely pointed out what he deem- 
ed necessary for the correction of existing abuses, and for 
the advancement of the service. He recommended, "as 
essentially necessary, that in adiiition to present compensa- 
tion, provision should be made by half pay, and a pensionary 
establishment for tlie future support of the officers, so as to 
render their commissions valuable. He pointed out "the 
insufficiency of their pay, especially in its present state of 
depreciation, for their decent subsistence; the sacrifices 



72 THE LIFE OV 

they had already made, and the unreasonableness of expect- 
ing they would continue patiently to bear such an over- 
proportion of the common calamities growing out of the 
necessary war, in which all were equally interested; the 
many resignations that had already taken place, and the 
probability that more would follow, to the great injury of 
the service; the impossibility of keeping up a strict disci- 
pline among officers whose commissions, in a pecuniary 
view, were so far from being worth holding, that they were 
the means of impoverishing them." These, and other 
weighty considerations, were accompanied with a^eclara- 
tion by Gen. Washington, "that he neither could nor would 
receive the smallest benefit from the proposed establish- 
ment, and that he had no other inducement in urging it, but 
a full conviction of its utility and propriety.'' 

In the same statement the commander in chief explained 
to the committee of congress the defects in the quarter mas- 
ters, and other departments connected with the support 
and comfort of the army; and also urged the necessity of 
each state completing its quota by draughts from the mili- 
tia. The statement concludes with these impressive words; 
"Upon the whole, gentlenaen, I doubt not you are fully im- 
pressed with the defects of our present military system, 
and with the necessity of speedy and decisive measures to 
place it on a satifactory footing. The disagreeable picture 
1 have given you of the wants and sufferitig of the army, 
and the discontents reigning among the officers, is a just 
representation of evils equally melancholy and important; 
and unless effectual remedies be applied witlmut loss of 
time, the most alarming and ruinous consequences are to 
be apprehended." The committee were fully impressed 
with the correctness of the observations made by the com- 
mander in chief, and grounded their report upon them. A 
general occurrence of sentime:it took place. Congress 
passed resolutions, but with sundry limitations, in favour of 
half pay to their officers for seven years after the war; and 
gave their sanction to the other measures suggested by 
Washington, and recommended by their committee. But, 
from the delays incidental to large bodies, either delibera- 
ting upon or executing public business, much time neces- 
sarily elapsed before the army received the benefits of the 
proposed reforms; and in the mean time their distresses 



' GEORGE WASHINGTON. 7^ 

approached to such a heiglit as threatened their immediate 
dissolution. Respect for their commander attached both 
ofBcers and soldiers so strongly to his person, as enabled 
him to keep them together under privations almost too 
much for human nature to bear. Their effective force 
throughout the winter was little more than five thousand 
men, though their numbers on paper exceeded seventeen 
thousand. It was well for them that the British made no 
attempt to disturb them while in this destitute condition. 
In that case the Ainericans could not have kept their camp 
for want of provisions; nor could they have retreated from 
it withdiilt the certain loss of some thousands who were bare- 
footed and otherwise almost naked. Neither could they 
have risked an action with any probable hope of success^ 
or without hazarding the most serious consequences. 

The historians of the American revolution will detail the 
particulars of a treaty entered into about this time between 
France and the United States, and also that thereupon the 
government of Great Britain offered terms to the Ameri- 
cans equal to all they had asked anteriour to their declara- 
tion of independence. The first certain intelligence of these 
oifers -vvas received by Gen* Washington in a letter from 
Major General Tryon, the British governor of New York, 
e^iclosing the conciliatory proposals, and recommending 
"that they should be circulated by Gen. Washington 
among- the officers and privates of his army." Instead of 
complying with this extraordinary request, he forwarded 
the whole to congress. The offers of Great Britain, which, 
if made in due time, would have prevented the dismember- 
ment of the empire, were promptly rejected. The day 
after their rejection, a resolution formerly recommended 
by Washington, was adopted by congress, in which they 
urged upon the different states ^^to pardon under certain 
limitations, such of their misguided citizens as had levied 
war against the United States.'' Copies of this were struck 
off in English and German, and Gen. Washington was di- 
rected to take measures for circulating them among the 
American levies in the British army. He immediately en- 
closed them in a letter to Tryon, in which he acknowledged 
the receipt of his late letter covering the British conciliatory 
bills, and requesting their circulation in the American ar- 
my; and in the way of retort requested the instrumentality 



74 THE LIFE OF 

of Tryon in making the resolves of congress known to tiie 
Americans in the British army, on wkom they were intend- 
ed to operate. 

About this time Sir William Howe resigned the com- 
mand of the British army and returned to Great Britain. 
His successor, vSir Henry Clinton, had scalcely entered on 
the duties of his office, when he received orders to evacu- 
ate Philadelphia. This was deemed expedient from an ap- 
prehension that it would be a dangerous position in case a 
French fleet, as was expected, should arrive in the Dela- 
ware to co-operate with the Americans. 

The design of evacuating Philadelphia was so(M discov- 
ered by Washington; but the object or course of the ene- 
my could not be precisely ascertained. Their preparations 
equally denoted an expedition to the south; an embarka- 
tion of their whole army for New York; or a march to that 
city through New Jersey. In the two first cases Washing- 
ton had not the means of annoyance; but as the probability 
of the last daily increased, he directed his chief attention 
to that point. Gen. Maxwell, with the Jersey brigade, was 
ordered over the Delaware to take post about Mount Holly, 
and to co-operate with Gen. Dickejison -^i il,e head of ino 
Jersey Tnilitia, in obstructing the progress of the royal 
army till time should be gained for Washington to overtake 
them. The British crossed the Delaware to Gloucester 
Point, on the 18th of June, 1778; the Americans in four 
days after, at Corryel's ferry. The general officers of the lat- 
ter, on being asked what line of conduct they deenjed most 
advisable, had previously, and with one consent, agreed to 
atteniptnot)iiF>gtill the evacuation of Philadel}»hia was com- 
pleted; but after tlie Delaware was crossed, there was a 
diversity of sentiment respecting the measures 'proper to 
be pursued. Gen. Lee, who, having been exchanged, join- 
ed the army, was of opinion, tliat the United States, in con- 
sequence of their late foreign connexions, were secure of 
their independence, unless their anny was defeated; and 
that under such circumstances it would be criminal to haz- 
ard an action, unless they had some decided advantage. 
Though tiie numbers in both armies were nearlj' equal, and 
about ten thousand ell'ective men in each, he attributed so 
much to the supeiiority of British discipline, as made him 
apprehensive of the issue of an engagement on equal 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 75 

ground. These sentiments were sanctioned bj the voice 
of a great majority of the general officers. Washington 
was nevertheless strongly inclined to risk an action. 
Though cautious, he was enterprising, and could not rea- 
dily believe that the chances of war were so much against 
him as to threaten consequences of th^alarming magni- 
tude which had been announced. There was a general 
concurrence in a proposal for strengthening the corps on 
the left flank of the enemy with fifteen hundred men, to 
improve any partial advantages that might offer, and that 
the n-ain body should preserve a relative position for act- 
ing as circumstances might require. 

When Sir Henry Clinton had advanced to Allentown, 
I he determined, instead of keeping the direct course to- 
I ward Staten Island, to draw toward the sea coast, and to 
push on toward Sandy Hook. Washington, on receiving 
intelligence that Sir Henry was proceeding in that direc- 
tion toward Monmouth courthouse, despatched one thous- 
and men under Gen. Wayne, and sent to the Marquis de la 
, Fayette to take command of the whole, with orders to seize 
j the first fair opportunity of attacking the enemy's rear. 
I 'i'he command of tliis advanced corps was offered to Gen. 
I Lee, but he declined it. The whole army followed at a 
proper distance for supporting the advanced corps, and 
1 reached Cranberry the next morning. Sir Henry Clinton, 
j sensible of the approach of the Americans, placed his gren- 
adiers, light infantry, and chasseurs, in his rear, and his 
[baggage in his front. Washington increased his advanced 
( corps with two brigades, and sent Gen. Lte, who now 
I wished for the command, to take charge of the whole, and 
followed with the main ariny to give it support. On the 
next morning orders were sent to Lee to move on and at- 
tack, unless there should be powerful reasons to the con- 
trary. Wlien Washington had marched about five miles to 
I support the advanced corps, he found the whole of it re- 
I treating by Lee's orders, and without having made any op- 
I position of consequence. Waslungton rode up to Lee and 
proposed certain questions; Lee answered witli warmth, 
and unsuitable language. The commander in chief order- 
ed Col. Stewart's, and Lieut. Col. Ramsay's battalions, to 
I form on a piece of ground which he judged suitable for 
giving a check to the advancing enensy. Lee was then 

I 



7e THE LIFE OF 

asked if he would command on that ground, to which he 
consented, and was ordered to take proper measures for 
checking the enemy; to which he replied, "your orders 
shall be obeyed, and I will not be the first to leave the 
field." Washington then rode to the main army, which 
was formed with the utmost expedition. A warm cannon- 
ade immediately commenced between the British and Amer- 
ican artillery, and a heavy firing between the advanced 
troops of the British army, and the two battalions which 
Washington had halted. These stood their ground till 
they were intermixed with a part of the British army. Gen* 
Lee continued till the last on the field of battle, and brought 
off the rear of the retreating troops. 

The check the British received gave time to make a dis- 
position of the left wing, and second line of the American 
army, in the wood and on the eminence to which Lee was 
retreating. On this some cannon were placed by lord Stir- 
ling, who commanded the left wing, which, with the co- 
operation of some parties of infantry, effectually stopped 
the advance of the British in that quarter. Gen. Greene 
took a very advantageous position on the right of lord Stir- 
ling. The Biitish attempted to turn the left flank of the 
Americans, but were repulsed. They also made a move- 
ment to the right, with as little success; for Greene, with 
artillery, disappointed their design. Wayne ad\ anced with 
a body of troops, and kept up so severe and well directed a 
fire, that the British were soon compelled to give way.— 
They retired and took the position which Lee had before 
occupied. Washington resolved to attack them, and or- 
dered Gen. Poor to move round upon their right, and Gen. 
Woodford to their left; but they could not get within leach 
before it was dark. These remained on the ground which 
they had been directed to occupy, during the night, with 
an intention of attacking early next morning: and the main 
body lay on their arms in the field, to be ready for support- 
ing them. Gen. Washington, after a day of great activity 
and much personal danger, reposed among his troops on 
his cloak under a tree, in hopes of renewing the action the 
next day. But these hopes were frustrated. The British 
marched away in the nij;iit in such silence, that Gen. Poor, 
though he lay very near them, knew nothing of their depar- 
ture. They left behind them four officers and about forty 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 77 

'privates, all so badlj wounded that they could not be re- 
moved. Their other wounded were carried off. The Brit- 
ish pursued their march without further interruption, and 
soon reached the neighbourhood of Sandy Hook, without 
the loss of either their covering party or baggage. The 
American general declined all further pursuit of the royal 
army, and soon after drew off his troops to the borders of 
the North River. The loss of the Americans in killed and 
wounded was about two hundred and tifty. The loss of the 
royal army, inclusive of prisoners, was about three hundred 
and fifty. 

On the ninth day after this action, congress unanimously 
resolved, "that their thanks be given to Gen. Washing- 
ton for the activity with which he marched from the camp 
at Valley Forge in pursuit of the enemy; for his distin- 
guished exertions in forming the line of battle; and for his 
great good conduct in leading on the attack, and gaining 
the important victory of Monmouth, over the British grand 
army, under the command of Gen. Sir Henry Clinton, in 
their march from Philadelphia to New York." It is prob- 
able that Washington intended to take no further notice 
of Lee's conduct in the day of action, but the latter could 

I not brook the expressions used by the former at their first 
meeting, and wrote him two passionate letters. This oc- 

I casioned his being arrested, and brought to trial. The 
charges exhibited against him were: 

1st. For disobedience of orders in not attacking ihe ene- 
my on the 28th of June, agreeable to repeated instructions. 
2dly. For misbehaviour before the enemy on the same 
day, by making an unnecessary, disorderly, and shameful 
retreat. 

odiy. For disrespect to the commander in chief in two 
letters. 

After a tedious hearing before a court martial, of which 
lord Stirling was president, Lee was found guilty, and sen- 
tenced to be suspended from any command in the armies 
of the United States for the term of one year; but the se- 
cond charge was softened by the court, which only found 
him guilty of misbehaviour before the enemy, by making 
an unnecessary, and, in some few instances, a disorderly 

( retreat. 

G 



H THE LIFE OF 

Soon after the battle of Monmouth the American army 
took post at the White Plains, and remained there, and in 
the vicinity, till autumn was far advanced, and then retired 
to Middlebrook in New Jersey. During tliis period, no- 
thing of more importance occurred than skirmishes, in 
which Gen. Was]iin2;ton was not particularly engaged. He 
was nevertheless fully employed. His mild conciliatory 
manners, and the most perfect subjection of his passions to 
reason, together with the soundness of his judgment, ena- 
bled him to serve his country with equal effect, though with 
Jess splendour than is usually attached to military exploits. 
The French fleet, the expectation of which had induced 
the evacuation of Philadelphia, arrived too late for attack- 
ing the British in the Delaware. It was also deemed un- 
advisable to attempt New York; but the British posts on 
Rhode Island were judged proper objects of a conjunct ex- 
pedition with the sea and land forces of France and Amer- 
ica. This being resolved upon. Gen. Sullivan was ap- 
pointed to conduct the operation of the Americans. When 
the preparations for commencing the attack was nearly 
completed, a British fleet appeared in sight. D'Estaing, 
who commanded the French fleet, put out to sea to engage 
them; but a storm came on which crippled both fleets to 
such an extent, as induced the one to go to New York, and 
the other to Boston, for the purpose of being repaired. 
While the fleets were out ,of sight, Sullivan had com- 
menced the siege, and flattered himself that a few days co- 
operation of the returned French ships could not fail of 
crowning him with success. The determination of D'Es- 
taing to retire to Boston instead of co-operating in the 
siege, excited the greatest alarm in Sullivan's army. By 
this dereliction of the original plan, the harbours of Rhode 
Island were left free and open for reinforcements to the 
British, which might be easily poured in from their head- 
quarters in New York. Instead of anticipated conquests, 
Sullivan had reason to fear for tlie safety of his army. Irri- 
tated at the departure of D'Estaing, he expressed in gen- 
eral orders to his army, "his hope that the event would 
prove America able to procure that, by her own arms, 
which her allies refused to assist in obtaining." These 
expressions were considered as imputing to D'Estaing and 
the French nation a disinclination to promote the interests 



GliOliGE WASHINGTON. * 79 

of the United States. When entreaties failed of |3ersuad- 
ing D'Estaing to return to the siege, a paper was drawn up 
and signed by the principal officers of the Americans, and 
sent to him, hi which they protested against his taking tiie 
^eet to Boston, "as derogatory to the' honour of France; 
contrary to tlie intentions of his most Christian Majesty, 
and the interest of his nation; destructive to the welfare of 
tiie United States, and highly injurious to tiie alliance be- 
tween the two nations.*' So much discontent prevailed, 
that serious apprehensions weie entertained tliat the means 
of repairino- the French fleet would not be readily obtained, 
Washington foresaw the evils likely to result from tlie 
general and mutual irritation vvliich prevailed, and exerted 
all his influence to calm the minds of both parties. He 
had a powerful coadjutor in the Marquis de la Fayette, who 
was asdeservedly dear to the Americans as to the French. 
His first duties were due to his king and country; but he 
loved America, and was so devoted to the commander in 
chief of its armies, as to enter into his views, and second 
[ his softening conciliatory measures, with truly filial affec- 
I tion. 

j Washington also wrote to Gen. Heath, who commanded 
( at Boston, and to Sullivan and Greene, who commanded at 
Rhode Island. In his letter to Gen. Heath, he stated his 
I fears "that the departure of the French fleet from Rhode 
I Island, at so critical a moment, would not only weaken the 
( confidence of the people in their new allies, but produce 
i such prejudice and resentment as might prevent their giv- 
t ing the fleet, in its present distress, such zealous and ef- 
^ fectual assistance as was demanded by the exigence of af- 
fairs, and the true interests of America;'^ and added, 
I "that it would be sound policy to combat these eftects, and 
! to give the best construction of wiiat had happened; and at 
i the same time to make strenuous exertions for putting the 
1 French fleet as soon as possible, in a condition to defend it- 
I self, and be useful." He also observed as follows: "the 
departure of the fleet from Rhode Island, is not yet pub- 
I licly announced here; but when it is, I intend to ascribe it 
I to necessity produced by the damage received in the late 
I storm. This it appears to me is the idea which ought to 
\ be generally propagated. As I doubt not the force of these 
I reasons will strike you equally with myself, I would re- 



80 THE LIFE OF 

commend you to use your utmost influence to palliate 
and soften matters, and to induce those whose business it 
is to provide succours of every kind for the fleet, to em- 
])\oy their utmost zeal and activity in doing it. It is our 
CiUty to make the best of our misfortunes, and not suffer 
passion to interfere with our interest and the public good." 

In a letter to Gen. Sullivan, he observed, ''the disagree- 
ment between the army under your command and the fleet, 
has given mc very singular uneasiness. The continent at 
large is concerned in our cordiality, and it should be kept 
up by all possible means consistent with our honour and 
policy. First impressions are generally longest retained, 
and will serve to fix in a great degree our national charac- 
ter with the French. In our conduct toward them, we 
should remember, that they are a people old in war, very 
strict in military etiquette, and apt to take fire when others 
seem scarcely warmed. Permit me to recommend in the 
most particular manner, the cultivation of harmony and 
good agreement, and your endeavours to destroy that ill 
humour which may have found its way among the officers. 
It is of the utmost importance too that the soldiers and the 
people should know nothing of this misunderstanding; or 
if it has reached them, that means may be used to stop its 
progress, and prevent its effects." 

In a letter to Gen. Greene, he observed, "I have not 
nov/ time to take notice of the several arguments, which 
were made use of, for and against the Count's quitting the. 
harbour of Newport, and sailing for Boston: Right or 
wrong it will probably disappoint our sanguine expecta- 
tions of success, and, which I deem a still worse conse- 
quence, 1 fear it will sow the seeds of dissension and dis- 
trust between us and our new allies, unless the most pru- 
dent measures be taken to suppress the feuds and jealou- 
sies that have already risen. I depend much on your tem- 
per and influence to conciliate that animosity which subsists 
between the American and French officers in our service. 
I beg you will take every measure to keep the protest en- 
tered into by the general officers from being made public. 
Congress, sensible of the ill consequences that will flow 
fronTour differences being known to the world, have passed 
a resolve to that purpose. Upon the whole, my dear sir, 
you can conceive my meaning better than I can express it; 



GfEOME WASHINGTON. bl 

and I therefore fully depend on your exerting yourself to 
heal all private animosities between our principal officers 
and the French, and to prevent all illiberal expressions and 
reflections that may fall from the army at large." 

Washington also improved the first opportunity of re- 
commencing his correspondence with count D'Estaing, in 
a letter to him, which, without noticing tlie disagreements 
that had taken place, was well calculated to soothe every 
angry sensation which might have rankled in his mind, lii 
the course of a short correspondence, the irritation which 
threatened seiious mischiefs entirely gave way to return- 
ing good humour and cordiality. 

In another case about the same time the correct judg- 
ment of Washington proved serviceable to his country. In 
the last months of the year 1778,when the most active pai t of 
the campaign was over, congress decided on a magnificent 
plan for the conquest of Canada. This was to be attempted 
in 1779 by land and water, on the side of the United States, 
and by a fleet and army from France. The plan was pro- 
posed, considered, and agreed to, before Washington was 
informed of it. He was then desired to write to Dr. Frank- 
lin, the American minister at Paris, to interest him in se- 
curing the proposed co-operation of France. In reply to 
the communications of congress, he observed, "the earnest 
desire I have strictly to comply in every instance with the 
views and instructions of congress, cannot but make me 
feel the greatest uneasiness when I find myself in circum- 
stances of hesitation or doubt, with respect to (heir direc- 
tions; but the perfect confidence I have in the justice and 
candour of that honourable body, emboldens me to commu- 
nicate without reserve the difficulties which occur in the 

i execution of their present order: and the indulgence I 

i have experienced on every former occasion induces me to 

i imagine that the liberty I now take will not meet with dis- 

^ approbation. 

j «•! have attentively taken up the report of the committee 
respecting the proposed expedition into Canada. T have 

I considered it in several lights, and sincerely rearet that I 
-should feel myself under any embarrassment in carrying it 

] into execution. Still I remain of opinion, from a general 
review of things, and the state of our resources, that no ex- 
tensive system of co-operation with the French for tlic 
G 2 



^\ 



82 THE LIFE OF 

complete emancipation of Canada, can be positively decid' 
ed on for the ensuing; year. To propose a plan of perfect 
co-operation m ith a foreign power, witlumt a moral certain- 
ty in our supplies; and to have that plan actually ratified 
with the court of Versailles, might be attended, in case of 
failure in the conditions on our part, with very fatal effects. 

"If I should seem unwilling to transmit the plan as pre- 
pared by congress, with my observations, it is because I 
find myself under a necessity, in order to give our minister 
sufficient ground to found an application on, to propose 
something more than a vague and indecisive plan, which, 
even in the event of a total evacuation of the states by the 
enemy, may be rendered impracticable in the execution by 
a variety of insurmountable obstacles; or if I retain my 
present sentiments, and act consistently, T must point out 
the difficulties, as they appear to me, whicli must enibarrass 
his negotiations, and may disappoint the views of congress. 

"But proceeding on the idea of the enemy's leaving 
tlsese states before the active part of the ensuing campaign, 
I should fear to hazard a mistake as to the precise aim and 
extent of the views of congress. The conduct I am to ob- 
serve in writing to our minister at the court of France, does 
not appear sufficiently delineated. Were I to undertake it, 
I should be much afraid of erring through misconception. 
In this dilemma, I would esteem it a particular favour to 
be excused from writing at all on the subject, especially as 
it is the part of candour in me to acknowledge that I do not 
see my way clear enough to point out such a plan for co- 
operation, as I conceive it to be consistent witli the ideas of 
congress, and as will be sufficiently explanatory with re- 
spect to time and circumstances to give efficacy to the mea- 
sure. 

"But if congress still think it necessary for me to pro- 
ceed in the business, I must request their more definitive 
and explicit instructions, and that they will permit me pre- 
vious to transmitting the intended despatches, to submit 
them to their determination. 

"I could wish to lay before congress more minutely the 
state of the army, the condition of our supplies, and the re- 
quisites necessary for carrying into execution an undertak- 
ing that m^y involve the most serious events. If congress 
think this can be done more satisfactorily in a personal con- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 83 

fereuce, I hope to have the army in such a situation before 
I can receive their answer as to afford me an opportunity of 
giving my attendance." 

The personal interview requested in this letter, was 
agreed to by congress, and a committee appointed by them 
to confer v^^ith him. The result was that the proposed ex- 
pedition against Canada was given up by thos.e who, after 
repeated deliberation, had resolved upon it. 



CHAPTER VI. 



CAMPAIGN OF 1779 



The distresses of the American army. Gen. Washington calms the 
uneasiness in the Jersey line. Finds great difficulty in supporting- 
his troops and concentrating- their force. Makes a disposition of 
them with a view to the security of West Point. Directs an ex- 
pedition against the six nations of Indians, and for the reduction 
of Stony point. Paules Hook taken. A French fleet expected to 
the northward, arrives on the coast of Georg-ia. Washington une- 
qual to offensive operations, retires into winter quarters. 

The years 1779 and 1780, passed away in the northern- 
states without any of those great military exploits which 
enliven the pages of history; but they were years of anxiety 
and distress, which called for all the passive valour, the 
sound practical judgment, and the conciliatory address, for 
which Gen. Washington was so eminently distinguislied» 
The states yielding to the pleasing delusion that their al- 
liance with France placed their independence beyond the 
reach of accident, and that Great Britain, despairing of suc- 
cess, would speedily abandon the contest, relaxed in their 
preparations for a vigorous prosecution of the war.. To 



Z4 THE LIFE Of 

these ungrounded hopes Washington opposed tlie whole 
weight of his influence. In his correspondence with con- 
gress, the governors of particular states, and other influ- 
ential individuals, he pointed out the fallacy of the pre- 
\ailing opinion that peace was near at hand, and the neces- 
sity for raising, equipping, and supporting a force sufficient 
for active operations, lie particularly urged that the an- 
nual arrangements of the army should be made so early 
that the recruits for the year should assemble at head quar- 
ters on the first of January; but such was the torpor of the 
public u\ind, that notwithstanding these representations, it 
was as late as the 23d of January, 1779, when congress 
passed resolutions authorizing the commander in chief to 
re-enist the army; and as late as the 9th of the following 
Match, that the requisitions were made on the several 
states for their quotas. The military establishment for 
1780 was later; for it was not agreed upon till the 9th of 
February; nor were the men required before the first of 
April. Thus, when armies ought to have been in the field 
nothing more was done than a grant of the requisite authori- 
ty for raising them. 

The depreciation of the current paper money had ad- 
vanced so rapidly as to render the daily pay of an officer 
unequal to his suppwt. This produced serious discon- 
tents in the army. An order was given in May, 1779, for 
the Jersey brigade to march by regiments to join the west- 
ern army. In answer to this order a letter was received from 
Gen. Maxwell, stating that the officers of the first regiment 
had delivered to their colonel a remonstrance, addressed 
to the legislature of New Jersey, in which they declared, 
that unless their former complaints on the deficiency of 
pay obtained immediate attention, they were to be consid- 
ered at the end of three days as having resigned their 
commissions; and on that contingency they requested the 
legislature to appoint other officers in their stead. Gene- 
ral Washington, who was strongly attached to the army, 
and knew their virtue, their sufferings, and also the justice 
of their complaints, immediately comprehended the ruin- 
ous consequences likely to result from the measure they 
had adopted. After serious deliberation he wrote a letter 
to Gen. Maxwell to be laid before the officers. In the 
double capacity of their friend and their commander, he 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 85 

made a forcible address both to their pride and their pa- 
triotism. '"There is nothing," he observed, "which has 
happened in the course of the war, that has given me so 
much pain as the remonstrance you mention from the offi- 
cers of the first Jersey regiment. I cannot but consider 
it a hasty and imprudent step, which, on more cool consid- 
eration, they will themselves condemn. I am very sen- 
sible of the inconveniences under which the officers of tlie 
army labour, and I hope they do me the justice to believe 
that my endeavours to procure them relief are incessant. 
There is more difficulty, however, in satisfying their wish- 
es, than perhaps they are aware of. Our resources have 
been hitherto very limited. The situation of our money 
is no small embarrassment, for which, thoigh there are 
remedies, they cannot be the work of a moment. Govern- 
ment is not insensible of the merits and sacrifices of the 
officers, nor unwilling to make a compensation; but it is a 
truth of which a very little observation must convince us, 
that it is very much straitened in the mean-: Great al- 
lowances ougiit to be made on this account, fo:- any delay 
and seeming backwardness w^hich may appear. Some of 
the states, indeed, have done as generously as vas in their 
power; and if others have been less expeditious, it ought 
to be ascribed to some peculiar cause, which a little time 
aided by example will remove. The patience aad perse- 
verance of the army have been, under every disadvantage, 
such as do them the higKest honour at home and abroad, 
and have inspired me with an unlimited confidence in their 
virtue, which has consoled me amidst every perplexity and 
reverse of fortune, to which our affairs, in a struggle of this 
nature, were necessarily exposed. Now that we have 
made so great a progress to the attainment of the end we 
have in view^, so that we cannot fail, without a most shame- 
ful desertion of our own interests, any thing like a change of 
conduct would imply a very unhappy change of principles, 
and a forgetfulness as well of what we ov/e to ourselves as 
to our country. Did I suppose it possible this should be 
tlie case, even in a single regiment of the army, I should 
be mortified and chagrined beyond expression. I should 
feel it as a wound given to my ow^n honour, which I consider 
as embarked with that of the army. But this I believe 
to be impossible. Any corps that w as about to set an ex 



86 THE LIFE OF 

ample of tlie kind, would weigh well the consequences;^ 
and no officer of common discernment and sensibility, 
'>vould hazard them. If they should stand alone in it, inde- 
pendent of other consequences, what would be their feel- 
ings on reflecting that they had held themselves out to the 
world in a point of light inferiour to the rest of the army? 
Or, if their example should be followed, and become gener- 
al, how could they console themselves for having been the 
foremost in bringing ruin and disgrace upon their country? 
They would remember that the army would share a double 
portion of the general infamy and distress; and that the 
character of an American officer would become as despi- 
cable as it is now glorious. 

"I confess the appearances in the present instance are 
disagreeable; but I am convinced they seem to mean more 
than they really do. The Jersey officers have not been 
outdone by any others, in the qualities either of citizens 
or soldiers; and I am confident no part of them would seri- 
ously intendj any thing that would be a stain on their for- 
mer reputati^r. The gentlemen cannot be in earnest; they 
have only reasoned wrong about the means of attaining a 
good end, ind, on consideration, I hope and flatter myself 
they will renounce what must appear improper. At 
the opening of a campaign, when under marching orders 
for an im)^ortant service, their own honour, duty to the 
public an(i to themselves, and a regard to military propriety, 
will not s\iffer them to persist in a measure which would 
be a violation of them all. It will even wound their deli- 
cacy coolly to reflect, that they have hazarded a step which 
has an air of dictating terms to their country, by taking ad- 
vantage of the necessity of the moment. 

"The declaration they have made to the state, at so crit- 
ical a time, that ^unless they obtain relief in the short pe- 
riod of three days, they must be considered out of the ser- 
vice,' has very much that aspect; and the seeming relaxa- 
tion of continuing until the state can have a reasonable time 
to provide other officers, will be thought only a superficial 
veil. I am now to request that you will convey ray senti- 
ments to the gentlemen concerned, and endeavour to make 
them sensible of tlijeir error. The service for which the 
regiment was intended, will not admit of delay. It must 
at all events march on Monday m^orning, in the first place 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 87 

to this camp, and further directions will be given when it 
arrives. I am sure I shall not be mistaken in expecting a 
prompt and cheerful obedience." 

The officers did not explicitly recede from their claims, 
but were brought round so far as to continue in service. 
In an address to General Washington, they declared '^their 
unhappiness that any step of theirs should give iiim pain;'- 
but alleged in justification of themselves, "that repeated 
memorials had been presented to their legislature, which 
had been neglected;" and added, "we have lost all confi- 
dence in that body. Reason and experience forbid that we 
should have any. Few of us have private fortunes; many 
have families who already are suffering every thing that 
can be received from an ungrateful country. Are we then 
to suffer all the inconveniences, fatigues, and dangers of a 
military life, while our wives, and our children are perish- 
ing for want of common necessaries at home; and that 
without the most distant prospect of reward, for our pay 
is now only nominal? We are sensible that your excellen- 
cy cannot wish, or desire this from us. 

"We are sorry that you should imagine we meant to 
disobey orders. It was, and still is, our determination to 
march with our regiment, and to do the duty of officers, 
until the legislature should have a reasonable time to ap- 
point others; but no longer. 

"We beg leave to assure your excellency, that we have 
the highest sense of your ability and virtues; that execu- 
ting your orders fias ever given us pleasure; that we love 
the service, and we love our country; but when that coun- 
try is so lost to virtue and to justice, as to forget to support 
its servants, it then becomes their duty to retire from its 
service." 

The ground adopted by the officers for their justification, 
was such as interdicted a resort to slern measures; at the 
same time a compliance with their demands was impossi- 
ble. In this embarrassing situation, Washington took no 
other notice of their letter than to declare to the officers, 
through General Maxwell, "that while they continued to 
do their duty, he should only regret the part they had ta- 
ken." The legislature of New Jersey, roused by these 
events, made some partial provision for their troops. The 



88 THE LIFE OF 

officers withdrew their remonstrance, and continued to do 
their duty. 

The consequences likely to result from the measures 
adopted by the Jersey officers, being parried by the good 
sense and prudence of General Washington, he improved 
the event when commuificated to congress, by urging on 
them the absolute necessity of some general and adequate 
provision for the officers of their army; and observed, 
<»that the distresses in some corps are so great, that officers 
have solicited even to be supplied with the clothing des- 
tined for the common soldiery, coarse and unsuitable as it 
was. I had not power to comply with the request. 

"The patience of men animated by a sense of duty and 
honour, will support them to a certain point, beyond which 
it will not go. I doubt not congress wilpbe sensible of 
the danger of an extreme in this respect, and will pardon 
my anxiety to obviate it." 

The members of congress were of different opinions 
respecting their military arrangements. While some were 
in unison with the General for a permanent national army, 
well equipped and amply supported; others were appre- 
hensive of danger to their future liberties from such estab- 
lishments, and gave a preference to enlistments for short 
periods, not exceeding a year. These also were partial to 
state systems, and occasional calls of the militia, instead of 
a numerous regular force, at the disposal of congress, 
or the commander in chief. From the various aspect of 
public affairs, and the frequent ciiange of members com- 
posing the national legislature, sometimes one party pre- 
dominated, and sometiines another. On the whole, the 
support received by Washington, was far short of what 
economy, as well as sound policy, required. 

The American army in these years, was not only defi- 
cient in clothing, but in food. The seasons both in 1779 
and 1780, were unfavourable to the crops. The laborri of 
the farmers had often been interrupted by calls for militia 
duty. The current paper money was so depreciated as to 
be deemed no equivalent for the productions of the soil. 
So great were the necessities of the American army, that 
Gen. Washington was obliged to call on t'ne magistrates of 
the ajacent counties for specified quantities of provision^;, 
to be supplied in a given number of days. At other times 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. B9 

he was compelled to send out detachments of his troops to 
take provisions at tlie point of the bayonet from the 
citizens. This expedient at length failed, for the country 
in the vicinity of the army afforded no farther supplies. 
These impressments were not only injurious to the morals 
and discipline of the army, but tended to alienate the affec- 
tions of the people. Much of the support which the 
American general had previously experienced from the 
inhabitants, proceeded from the difference of treatment 
they received from their own army, compared with what 
they suffered from the British. The general, whom the 
inhabitants hitherto regarded as their protector, had now 
no alternative but to disband his troops, or to support them 
by force. The army looked to him for provisions; the in- 
habitants for protection of their property. To supply the 
one, and not offend the other, seemed little less than an im- 
possibility. To preserve order and subordination in an 
army of free republicans, even when well fed, paid, and 
clothed, would have been a work of difficulty; but to retain 
them in service and restrain them with discipline, when 
destitute not only of the comforts, but often of the neces- 
saries of life, required address and abilities of such magni- 
tude as are rarely found in human nature. In this choice 
of difficulties. Gen. Washingtoft not only kept his army to- 
"gether, but conducted with so much discretion as to com- 
mand the approbation both of the army and of the citizens. 
Nothing^of decisive importance could be attempted with 
an army so badly provided, an,d so deficient in numbers. It 
did not exceed thirteen thousand men, while the British 
strongly fortified in New York and Rhode Island, 'amount- 
ed to sixteen or seventeen thousand. These were support- 
ed by a powerful fleet, which, by commanding the coasts 
and the rivers, furnished easy means for concentrating their 
force. in any given point before the Americans could march 
to the same. This disparity was particularly striking in 
the movements of the two armies in the vicinity of the 
Hudson. Divisions of both were frequently posted on each 
side of that noble river. While the British could cross 
directly over, and unite their forces in any enterprise, the 
Americans could not safely effect a corresponding junction, 
unless they took a considerable circuit to avoid the British 
shipping. 

H 



90 THE LIFE OF 

To preserve West Point and itg dependencies, was a 
primary object witli AVashington. To secure these, he 
was obliged to refuse the pressing applications from the 
neighbouring states for large detachments from the con- 
tinental army for their local defence. Early in the year 
Sir Henry Clinton made some movements up the North 
River, which indicated an intention of attacking the posts 
in the Highland^'; but in proportion as these were threat- 
ened, Washington concentrated his force for their defence. 
This was done so eifectually, that no serious direct attempt 
was made upon them. Clinton, hoping to allure the 
Americans from these fortresses, sent detachments to burn 
and lay waste the towns on the coast of Connecticut. This 
w^as done extensively. Norwalk, Fairfield, and New Lon- 
don were destroyed. Washington, adhering to the princi- 
ple of sacrificing small objects to secure great ones, gave 
no more aid to the suft'erini;- inhabitants than was compati- 
ble with the security of West Point. 

Though the force under his immediate command through- 
out the campaign of 1779, was unequal to any great under- 
taking, yet his active mind sought for and embraced such 
opportunities for oftensive operations, as might be attempted 
without hazarding too much. 

The principal expedition of this kind was directed against 
the Six Nations of Indians, who inhabited the fertile coun- 
try between the western settlements of New York and 
Pennsylvania, and the lakes of Canada. These, from their 
vicinity and intercourse with the white people, had attain- 
ed a degree of civilization exceeding what was usual among 
sava*^es. ' To them, many refugee tories had fled, and di- 
rected them to their settlements, which they laid waste, and 
at the same time massacred the inhabitants. In the early 
period of Washington's life, while commander of the Vir- 
ginia troops, he had ample experience of the futility of 
forts, for defence against Indians, and of the superiour ad- 
vanta^^e of carrying offensive operations into their towns 
and settlements. An invasion of the country of the Six 
Nations being resolved upon, the commander in chief be- 
stowed much thought on the best mode of conducting it. 
The instructions he gave to Gen. Sullivan, who was ap- 
pointed to this service, were very particular, and much 
rl.ore severe than was usual, but not more so than retalia- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 91 

tion justified, or policy recommended. »Suirivan with a 
considerable force, penetrated into the country of the Ind- 
ians in three directions, laid waste their crops, and burnt 
their towns. His success was decisive, and in a great mea- 
sure secured the future peace of the frontier settlements. 
The late residence of the savages was rendered so far un- 
inhabitable, that they were reduced to the necessity of seekr 
ing an asylum in the inore remote western country. 

While the British were laying waste Connecticut, Wash- 
ington, after reconnoitering the ground in person, planned 
an expedition against Stony Point, a commanding hill pro- 
jecting far into the Hudson, on tlie top of which a fort had 
been erected, which was garrisoned with about six hundred 
men. One of the motives for assaulting this work, was the 
hope that, if successful, it might induce the detachment 
which had invaded Connecticut to desist from their devasta- 
tions, and to return to the defence of their own outposts. 
The enterprise was assigned to General Wayne, who com- 
pletely succeeded in reducing the fort and capturing its 
garrison. 

Sir Henry Clinton, on receiving intelligence of Wayne's 
success, relinquished his views on Connecticut, and made 
a forced march to Dobb's ferry, twenty-six miles above 
New York. 

The reduction of Stony Point was speedily followed by 
the surprise of the British garrison at Paales Hook. Tliis 
was first conceived and planned by Major Henry Lee. On 
being submitted to General Washington, he favoured the 
enterprise, but withheld his full assent, till he was satisfied 
of the practicability of a retreat, of which serious doubts 
were entertained. Lee, with three hundred men, entered 
the fort about three o'clock in tne morning, and with very 
inconsiderable loss, took one hundred and fifty-nine pris- 
oners, and brought them ott' in safety from the vicinity of 
large bodies of the enemy. 

The reasons already mentioned, for avoiding all hazard- 
ous offensive operations, were strongly enforced by a well 
founded expectation that a French fleet would appear on 
the coast, in the course of the year 1779. Policy required 
that the American army should he reserved for a co-opera- 
tion with their allies. The fleet, as expected, did arrive, 
but in the vicinity of Georgia. The French troops, in 



99 THE LIFE OF 

conjunction with the southern army, commanded by Gene- 
ral Lincoln, made an unsuccessful attempt on the British 
post in Savannah. This town had been reduced in Decem- 
ber, 1778, by Colonel Campbell, who had proceeded so far 
as to re-establish British authority in the state of Georgia. 
Soon after the defeat of the combined forces before Savan- 
nah, and the departure of the French fleet from the coast, 
Sir Henry Clinton proceeded with the principal part of his 
army to Charleston, and confined his views in New York to 
defensive operations. 

The campaign of 1779 terminated in the northern states? 
as has been relaied, without any great events on either side. 
Washington defeated all the projects of the British, for 
getting possession of the Highlands. The Indians were 
scourged; and a few brilliant strokes kept the public mind 
from despondence. The Americans went into winter 
quarters when the month of December was far advanced. 
These were chosen for the convenience of wood, water and 
provisions, and with an eye to the protection of the ccun.- 
try. To this end, the armj was thrown into two grand 
divisions. The northern was put under the command of 
General Heath, and stationed with a view to the security of 
West Point, its dependencies, and the adjacent country. 
The otiier retired to Morristovvn in New Jersey. In this 
situation, which was well calculated to secure the country 
to the southward of New York, Washington, with the prin- 
cipal division of his army, took their station for the winter. 
The season following their retirement, was uncommonly 
severe. The British ijj New York and Staten Island, no 
longer enjoyed the security which their insular situation 
usually afforded. The former suffered from the want of 
fuel and other supplies from the country. To add to their 
tlifficulties, Washington so disposed his troops as to give 
the greatest possible obstruction to the communication be- 
tween the British garrison, and such of the inhabitants 
without their lines as were disposed to supply their wants. 
Tliis brought on a partisan war, in which individuals were 
killed, but without any national effect. Had Washington 
been supported as he desired, the weakness of the British 
army in consequence of their large detachments to the 
southward, in conjunction with the severity of the winter, 
would have given him an opportunity. for indulging his na-. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 93 

tive spirit of enterprise. But he durst not attempt any 
thing on a grand scale, for his army was not only inferioux 
in number to that opposed to him, but so destitute of cloth- 
ing, as to be unequal to a winter campaign. 



. CHAPTER VIL 



CAMPAIGN OF 1780. 



General Washington directs an expedition against Staten Island. 

Gives an opinion against risking an army for the defence of Charles- 
ton, S. C. — Finds great difficulty in supporting his army. — Kniphau- 
sen invades Jersey, but is prevented from injuring the American 

. stores. — Marquis de la Fayette arrives, and gives assurances that 
a French fleet and army might soon be expected on the Americaa 
coast.— Energetic measures of co-operation resolved upon, but so 
languidly executed, that Washington predicts the necessity of a 
more efficient system of national government.— A French fleet 
and army arrives, and a combined operation against New York is 
resolved upon, but the arrival of a superiour British fleet deranges 
the' whole plan. 



The military establishment for the year 1780, was nom- 
inally thirty-five thousand; but these were not voted till 
I the 9th of February, and were not required to be in camp 
I before the first of April following. Notwithstanding these 
1 embarrassments, the active mind of Washington looked 
round for an opportunity of deriving some advantage from 
j the present exposed situation of his adversary. From re- 
\ cent intelligence, he supposed that an attack on about 
j twelve hundred British, posted on Staten Island, might be 
I H 2 



94 THE LIFE OF 

advantageously made, especially in its present state of union 
with the continent, by an unbroken body of solid ice. The 
prospect of success depended on the chance of a surprise; 
and if this failed, of reducing the enemy, though retired 
within their fortifications, before reinforcements could ar- 
rive from New York. The vigilance of the commanding 
officer prevented the first; the latter could not be depend- 
ed on; for, contrary to the first received intelligence, the 
communication between the island and the city, though 
difficult, was practicable. The works were too strong for 
an assault, and relief too near to admit the delaj^s of a siege. 
Lord Stirling, with two thousand five hundred men, enter- 
ed the island on the night of the 14th of January. An alarm 
was instantly and generally communicated to the posts, and 
a boat despatched to New York to communicate intelli- 
gence, and to solicit aid. The Americans, after some slight 
skirmishes, seeing no prospect of success, and apprehen- 
sive that a reinforcement from New York miglit etidanger 
their safety, very soon commenced their retreat. This was 
effected without any considerable loss; but from the in- 
tensiveness of the cold, and deficiency of warm clothing, 
several were frost bitten. 

Soon after this evenU the siege of Charleston com- 
menced and was so vigorously carried on by Sir Henry 
Clinton, as to eifect the surrender of that place on the 12tli 
of May, 1780. Gen. Washington, at the distance of more 
than eight hundred miles, could have no personal agency 
in defending that most important southern mart. What 
was in his power was done, for he weakened himself by 
detaching from the army under his own immediate com- 
mand the troops of North Carolina, the new levies of Vir- 
ginia, and tke remnants of the southern cavalry. Though 
he had never been in Charleston, and was without any per- 
sonal knowledge of its harbour, yet he gave an opinion res- 
pecting it, which evinced the soundness of his practical 
judgment. In every other case, the defence of towns had 
been abandoned, so far as to risk no arnnes for that pur- 
pose; but in South Carolina, Gen. Lincoln, for reasons that 
were satisfactory to his superiours, adopted a different line 
of conduct. Four continental frigates were ordered to the 
defence of Charleston, and stationed within its bar; and a 
considerable state marine force co-operated with them. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 95 

This new mode of defence was the more readily adopted, 
on the generally received idea, that this marine force could 
be so disposed of within the bar, as to make eftectual .oppo- 
sition to the British ships attempting to cross it. In the 
course of the siege this was found to be impracticable, and 
all ideas of disputing the passage of the bar were given up. 
This state of things being cotumunicated by Lieut. Col. 
John Laurens to Gen. Washington, the general replied, 
"The impracticability of defending the bar, I fear, amounts 
to the loss of the town and garrison. , At this distance, it is 
impossible to judge for you. I have the greatest confidence 
in Gen. Lincoln's prudence; but it really appears to me, 
that the propriety of attempting to defend the town, de- 
pended on the probability of defending the bar, and that 
when this ceased, the attempt ought to have been relin- 
quished. In this, however, I suspend a definitive judg- 
ment; and wish you to consider what I sav as confidential." 
The event corresponded with the general's predictions. 
The British vessels, after crossing the bar without oppo- 
sition, passed the forts and took such a station in Cooper 
river, as, in conjunction with the land forces, made the 
I evacuation of the town by the Americans iiripossible, and 
I finally produced the surrender of their whole southern 
i army. 

When intelligence of this catastrophe reached the north- 
i ern states, the American army was in the greatest distress. 
I This had been often represented to congress, and was par- 
j ticularly stated to Gen. Schuyler in a letter from Gen. 
' W^ashington, in the following words; "Since the date of 
' my last, we have had the virtue and patience of the army 
put to the severest trial. Sometimes it has been five or 
I six days togetlier without bread; at other times as many 
j days without meat; and once or twice two or three days 
' without either. I hardly thought it possible, at one period, 
} that we should be able to keep it together, nor could it 
; have been done, but tor the exertions of the magistrates 
j in the several counties of this state, on whom I was obliged 
I to call; expose our situation to them; and, in plain terms, 
' declare that we were reduced to the alternative of disband- 
: ing or catering for ourselves, unless the inhabitants would 
afford us their aid. I allotted to each county a certain pro- 
portion of Hour or g9ain, and a certain number of cattle^ to 



96 THE LIFE OF' 

be. delivered on certain days; and, for the honour of the 
magistrates, and the good disposition of the people, I must 
add, that my requisitions were punctually complied with, 
and in many counties exceeded. Nothing but this great 
exertion could have saved the army from dissolution or 
starving, as we were bereft of every hope from the com- 
missaries. At one time the soldiers eat every kind of 
horse food but hay. Buckwheat, common wheat, rye, and 
Indian corn, composed the meal which made their bread. 
As an army, they bore it with the most heroic patience: but 
sufferings like these, accompanied by the want of clothes, 
blankets, &c. will produce frequent desertion in all armies; 
and so it happened with us, though it did not excite a sin- 
gle mutiny." 

The paper money with which the troops were paid, was 
in a state of depreciation daily increasing. The distresses 
from this source, though felt in 1778, and still more so in 
1779, did not arrive to the highest pitch till the year 1780. 
Under the pressure of sufferings from this cause, the officers 
of the Jersey line addressed a memorial to their state legis- 
lature, setting forth, "that four months pay of a private, 
would not procure for his family a single bushel of wheat; 
that the pay of a colonel would not purchase oats for his 
horse; t'lat a common labourer, or express rider, received 
four times as much as an American officer." They urged 
that "unless a speedy and ample remedy was provided, the 
total dissolution of their line was inevitable." In addition 
to the insufficiency of their pay and support, other causes 
of discontent prevailed. The original idea of a continen- 
tal army to be raised, paid, subsisted, and regulated, upon 
an equal and uniform principle, had been in a great mea- 
sure exchanged for state establishments. This mischiev- 
ous measure partly originated from necessits-; for state 
credit was not quite so much depreciated as continental.-— 
Congress not possessing the means of supporting their ar- 
my, devolved the business on the component parts of the 
confederacy. Some states, from their internal ability, and 
local advantages, furnished their troops not only withcloth- 
ing, but with many conveniences. Others supplied them 
with some necessaries, but on a more contracted scale. A 
few, from their particular situation, could do little, or nothing 
at all. The officers and men in the routine of duty mixedl 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 97 

daily, and compared circumstances. Those who fared worse 
than others, were dissatisfied with a service which made 
such injurious distinctions. From causes of this kind, su- 
peradded to a complication of wants and sufferings, a dis- 
position to mutiny began to show itself in the American 
army. Yery few of the officers were rich. To make an 
appearance suitable to their station, required an expendi- 
ture of the little all which most of them possessed. The 
supplies of the public were so inadequate as to compel 
frequent resignations. The officers of whole lines an- 
nounced their determination to quit the service. The per- 
sonal influence of General Washington was exerted with 
the officers' in preventing their adoption of such ruinous 
measures, and with the states to remove the causes which 
led to them. 

Soon after the surrender of the whole southern army^ 
and at the moment the northern was in the greatest distress, 
for the necessaries of life, general Kniphausen passed from 
N^Vv York, into New Jersey "v^ilh 5.Ye thousand iri en. ThC-C 
were soon reinforced with a detachment of the victorious 
troops returned with Sir Henry Clinton from South Caro- 
lina. It is difficult to tell what was the precise object of 
this expedition. Perhaps the royal commanders hoped to 
get possession of Morristown, and destroy the Ameiican 
stores. Perhaps they flattered themselves that the inhabi- 
tants, dispirited by the recent fall of Charleston, would sub- 
mit without resistance; and that the soldiers would desert 
to the royal standard. Sundry movements took place on 
both sides, and also smart skirmishes, but without any de- 
cisive effect. At one time Washington conjectured that 
the destruction of his stores was the object of the enemy; 
at another, that the whole was a feint to draw off his atten- 
tion, while they pushed up the North River from New 
York to attack West Point. The American army was sta- 
tioned with a view to both objects. The secuj ity of the 
stores was attended to, and such a position taken, as would 
compel the British to fight under great disadvantages, if 
they risked a general action to get at them. .The American 
general Howe, who commanded at the Highlands, was or- 
dered to concentrate his force for the security of West 
Point; and Washington, with the principal division of his 
Avmy, took such a middle position, as enabled him either tu 



98 THE LIFE OF 

fall back to defend his stores, or to advance for the defence 
of West Point, as circumstances might require. The first 
months of the year were spent in these desultory operations. 
The disasters to the south produced no disposition in the 
north to give up the contest; but the tardiness of congress 
and of the states; the weakness of government, and the 
depreciation of the money, deprived Washington of aK 
means of attempting any thing beyond defensive opera- 
tions. 

In this state of lan^our, Marquis de la Fayette arrived 
from France, with assurances that a French fleet and army 
might soon be expected on the coast. This roused the 
Americans from that lethargy into which they seemed to be 
sinking. Requisitions on the state for men and money, 
were urged with uncommon earnestness. Washington, in 
his extensive correspondence throughout the United States, 
endeavoured to stimulate the public mind to such exertions 
as the approaching crisis required. In addition to argu- 
ments faii>ierly us^d) he er.deavuured on this occasion, bj 
a temperate view of European politics to convince his 
countrymen of the real danger of their independence, if 
they neglected to iaiprove the adv-iOtages they might ob- 
tain by a great and manW etfort, in c«ir.j unction with the 
succours expected from France. The resolutions of con- 
gress for this purpose were slowly executed. The quotas 
assigned to tiie several states were by their respective leg- 
islatures apportioned on the several counties and towns. 
These divisions were again subdivided into classes, and 
each class was called upon to furnish a man. This predo- 
minance of state systems over those wliich were national, 
was foreseen and lamented by tlie commander in chief. In 
a letter to a member of tiie national legislature, he observed, 
"that unless congress speaks in a more decisive tone; un- 
less they are vested with powers by the several states com- 
petent to the great purposes of the war, or assume them 
as matter of riglit, and they and tlie states respective- 
ly act with more energy than hitherto they have done, 
our cause is lost. We can no longer drudge on in the old 
way. By ill-timing the adoption of measures; by delays 
in the execution of them, or by unwarrantable jealousies, 
we incur enormous expenses, and derive no benefit. One 
state will comply witli a requisition fuom congress; another 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 99 

neglects to do it; a third executes it by halves; and all 
differ in the manner, the matter, or so much in point of 
time, that we are always working up hill; and while such 
a system as the present one, or rather want of one, prevails, 
we ever shall be unable to apply our strength or resources 
to any advantage. 

"This, my dear sir, is plain language to a member of 
congress; but it is the language of truth and friendship. 
It is the result of long thinking, close application, and strict 
observation. I see one head gradually changing into thir- 
teen; I see one army branching into thirteen; and, instead 
of looking up to congress as the supreme controling 
power of the United States, considering themselves as de- 
pendant on their respective states. In a word, I see the 
power of congress declining too fast for the consequence 
and respect which are due to them as the great represen- 
tative body of America, and am fearful of the consequen- 
ces." 

From the embarrassments which cramped the operations 
of Washington, a partial temporary relief was obtained from 
private sources. When congress could neither command 
money nor credit for the subsistence of their army, the cit-^ 
izens of Philadelphia formed an association to procure a 
supply of necessary articles for their suffering soldiers.— 
' The sum of three hundred thousand dollars was subscribed 
in a few days, and converted into a bank, the principal de- 
isign of which was to purchase provisions for the troops in 
(the most prompt and efficacious manner. The advantages 
jof this institution were great, and particularly enhanced by 
the critical time in which it was instituted. 
j The ladies of Philadelphia, about the same time, sub- 
iscribed large donations for the immediate relief of the suf- 
ifering soldiers. These supplies, though liberal, were far 
jshort of a sufficiency for the army. So late as the 20th of 
iJune, General Washington informed congress that he still 
Jlaboured under the painful and humiliating embarrassment 
]of iiaving no shirts to deliver to the troops, many of whom 
were absolutely destitute of that necessary article; nor 
were they much better supplied with summer overalls. — . 
I "For the troops to be without clothing at any time, he add- 
ed, is highly injurious to the service, and distressing to 
our feelings; but the want will be more peculiarly morti- 



100 THE LIFE OF 

fying when they come to act with tl»ose of our allies. If it 
be possible, 1 have no doubt immediate measures will be 
taken to relieve their distress. 

"It is also most sincerely to be wished that there could 
be some supplies of clothing famished to the oiFicers. 
There are a great many whose condition is miserable. This 
is, in some instances, the case with whole lines. It would 
be well for their own sakes, and for the public good, if they 
could be furnished. They will not be able, when our friends 
cmne, to co-operate with us, to go on a common routine of 
duty; and if they should, they must from their appearance 
be held in low estimation." 

The complicated arrangements for raising and support- 
ing the 'American army, which was voted for the campaign, 
were so tardily executed, that when the summer was far 
advanced, Washington was uninformed of the force on which 
he might rely: and of course, could not fix on any certain 
plan of operations for the co^nbined armies. In a letter to 
congress, he expressed his embarrassment in the following 
words; "the season is come when we have every reason 
to expect ti)e arrival of the fleet; and yet for want of this 
point of primary consequence, it is impossible for me to 
ibrm a system of co-operation. I have no basis to act upon, 
and of course, were this generous succour of our ally now 
to arrive, I should find myself in the most awkward, em- 
barrassing and painful situation. The general and the ad- 
miral, as soon as they approach our coast, will require of 
me a plan of the measures to be pursued, and there ought 
of right to l)e one prepared; but circumstanced as I am, I 
cannot even give them conjectures. From these conside- 
rations, I yesterday suggested to the committee the indis- 
pensable necessity of their writing again to the states, 
urging them to give immediate and precise information of 
the measui-es they have taken; and of the result The in- 
terest of the states; the honour and reputation of our 
coun(y!s; the justice and gratitude tlue to our allies; all 
require tliat I should without delay be enabled to ascertain 
and inforrri them what we can or cannot undertake. The^e 
is a p(tint which ought now to be determined, on the suc- 
cess of which all our future operations may depend; on 
whicli, for want of knowing our prospects, I can make no 
decision. For fear of involving the fleet and army of our 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. lol 

allies In circumstances which would expose them, if not 
seconded by us, to material inconvenience and hazard, I 
shall be compelled to suspend it, and the delay may be fatal 
to our hopes." 

In this state of uncertainty, Washington meditated by 
night and day on the various contingencies which were pro- 
bable. He revolved the possible situations in which the 
contending armies might be placed, and endeavoured to 
prepare for every plan of combined operations which future 
contingent events might render advisable^ 

On the 10th of July the expected French fleet and army 
appeared on the coast of Rhode Island. The former con» 
sisted of seven sail of the line, live frigates, and five small- 
er vessels. The latter of six thousand men. The Cheva- 
lier Terney and Count Rochambeau, wlio commanded the 
fleet and army, immediately transmitted to General. Wash- 
ington an account of their arrival, of their strength, their 
expectations and orders. At that time not more than one 
thousand men had joined the American army. A com- 
mander oT no more than common firmness, would have re- 
signed his commission in disgust, for not being supported by 
his country. Very different was the line of conduct adopt- 
ed by Washington. Trusting that the promised support 
would be forwarded with all possible despatch, he sent on 
to the French commanders by the Marquis de la Fayette, 
definite proposals for commencing the siege of New York* 
Of this he gave information to congress in a letter, in the 
following words; "Pressed on all sides by a choice of dif- 
ficulties, in a moment which required decision, T have 
adopted that line of conduct which comported with the dig- 
nity and faith of congress, the reputation of these states, 
and the honour of our arms. I have sent on definitive 
proposals of co-operation to the French General and Admi- 
ral. Neither the period of the season, nor a regard to de- 
cency, would permit delay. The die is cast; and it re- 
remains with the states, either to fulfil their engagements^ 
preserve their credit, and support their independence, or 
to involve us in disgrace and defeat. Notvv'ithstanding the 
failures pointe<:l out by the committee, I shall proceed on 
the supposition that tliey will ultimately consult their own 
interest and honour, and not suffer us to fail for the want of 
means, which it is evidently in their power to affords What 
k 



102 THE LIFE OF 

has been done, and is doing by some of the states, confirms 
the opinion I have entertained of sufficient resources in the 
country. Of the disposition of tive people to submit to any 
arrangement for bringing them forth, I see no reasonable 
ground to doubt. If we fail for v/ant of proper exertions 
in any of the governments, I trust the responsibility will 
fall where it ougiit, and that I shall stand justified to con- 
gress, my country and the world." 

The fifth of the next month, August, was named as the 
day when the French troops should embark, and the Ame- 
rican army assembled at Morrisauia, for the purpose of com- 
mencing their comb-in ed operations. Very soon after the 
arrival of the French fleet, Admiral Greaves reinforced the 
British naval force in the harbour of New York, with six 
ships of the line. Hitherto the French had a naval supe- 
riority. Without it, all prospect of success in the propos- 
ed attack on New York was visionary; but this being sud- 
denly and unexpectedly reversed, the plan for combined 
operations became eventual. The British Admiral having 
now the superiority, proceeded to Rhode Island to attack 
the French in that (juarter. He soon discovered that the 
French were perfectly secure from any attack by sea. Sir 
Henry Clinton, who had returned in the preceding month 
with his victorious troops f ram Charleston, embarked about 
eiicht thoiisaiid of his best men, and proceeded as far as 
Huntingdon Bay, on Long Island, with the apparent design 
of concurring v/ith the British fleet in attacking the French 
force at Rhode Island. When this movement took place, 
Washington set his army in motion, and proceeded to Peek- 
skill. Had Sir Henry Clinton prosecuted what appeared 
to be his design, Washington intended to have attacked 
New-York in his absence. Preparations were made for 
this purpose, but Sir Henry Clinton instantly turned about 
from Huntingdon Bay toward New York. 

In the mean time, tiie French fleet and army being block- 
ed up at Rhode Island, were incapacitated from co-operat- 
ino- with the Americans. Hopes were nevertheless indulg- 
edt that by the arrival of another fleet of his Most Christian 
Majesty, then in the West Indies, under the command of 
Count de Guichen, the superiority would be so much in 
favour of the allies, as to enable them to prosecute their 
original intention of attacking New York. Wheu tlve ex- 



' GEORGE WASHINGTON. 103 

pectations of the Americans were raised to the highest 
pitch, and when they were in great forwardness of prepa- 
ration to act 141 concert with their allies, intelligence arriv- 
ed that Count de Guichen had sailed for France. This dis^ 
appointment was extremely mortifying. 

Washington still adhered to his purpose of attacking 
New York at some tuture more favourable period. On 
\this subject he corresponded with the French commanders, 
•^nd had a personal interview with them on the tweniy -first 
of September, at Hartford. The arrival of Admiral Rod- 
ney on the Ameiican coast, a short time after, with eleven 
ships of the line, disconcerted for that season, all the plans 
of the allies. Washington felt with infinite regret, a suc- 
cession of abortive projects throughout the campaign oi 
1780. In that year, and not before, he had indulged the 
hope of happily terminating the war. In a letter to afriejid, 
he wrote as follows; "We are now drawing to a close an 
inactive campaign, the beginning of which appeared preg- 
nant with events of a very favourable complexion, I hop- 
ed, but I ho|>ed in vain, that a prospect was opening which 
woul^ enable me to fix a period to my military pursuits, and 
restore me to domestic life. The favourable disposition ot 
Spain; the promised succour from France; the combined 
force in the West Indies; the declaration of Russia, ac- 
ceded to by other powers of Europe, humiliating the naval 
pride and power of Great Britain; the superiority of France 
and Spain by sea, in Europe; the Irish chiims, and English 
disturbances, formed in tlie aggregate an opinion in tnv 
breast, which is not very susceptible 'of peaceful dreasms, 
that the hour of deliverance was not far distant; for that, 
however unwilling Great Britain mi^^ht be to yield the point, 
I it would not be in her power to continue thecontest. But, 
I alas! these prospects, flattering as they were, have proved 
I delusory; and 1 see nothiiig before us but accumulatino- 
1 distress. We have been half of our time without provis- 
j ions, and are likely to continue so. We have no magazines, 
I nor money to foi m them. We have lived upon expedients 
! until we can live no longer. In a word, the history of the 
waris ahistory of false hopes and temporary devices, instead 
of system and economy. It is in vain, however, to look back, 
nor is it our business to do so. Our case is net desperate, if 
virtue exist in the people, and there is wisdom among our 



i04 THE LIFE OF 

rulers. But, to suppo^se that this great revolution can be 
accomplished by a temporary army; that this army will be 
subsisted by state supplies; and that taxation alone is ade- 
quate to our wants, is, in my opinion, absurd." 



CHAPTER Till. 



CAMPAIGN OF 1781. 



The Pennsylvania line mutinies. The Jersey troops follow their ex- 
ample, but are quelled by decisive measm'es. General Wasliingtoii 
eoramences a military journal, detailing- tlie wants and distresses 
of his army. Is invited to the defence of his native state, Virg-in- 
ia, but declines. Reprimands the manag-er of his private estate 
for furnishing" the enemy witii supplies, to prevent the destruction 
of his property. Exting-uishes the incipient flames of a civil war, 
respecting- the independence of the state of Vermont. Plans a 
combined operation against the British, and deputes Lieut. Col. 
John Laurens to solicit the co-operation of the French. The conv- 
bined forces of both jiations roulezvous in the Chesapeake, and 
take Lord CornwalJis and his army prisonei-s of war. Washingloii 
returns to the vicinity of New York, and urg-es the necessity oi' 
preparing for a new campaign. 



The year 1780 ended in the northern states with disap- 
pointment, and tiie year 1781 commenced with mutiny. In 
the night of the first of January, about thirteen hundred of 
the Pennsylvania line paraded under arms at their encamp- 
ment near Morristovvn, avowing a determination to march 
to the seat of congress, and obtain a redress of their griev- 
ances, without vvliich they would serve no longer. The ex- 
ertions ')f general Wayne, and the other officers to quell 
the mutiny, were in vain. The whole body marched off 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 105 

with six field pieces toward Princeton. They stated their 
demands in writing; which were, a discharge to all who 
had served three years; an immediate payment of all that 
"was due to them; and that future pay should be made in 
real money to all v/ho remained in the service. Their offi- 
cers, a committee of congress, and a deputation from the 
executive council of Pennsylvania, endeavoured to effect 
an accommodation; but the mutineers resolutely refused 
all terms, of which a redress of their grievances was not the 
foundation. 

To their demands as founded injustice, the civil author- 
ity of Pennsylvania substantially yielded. Intelligence of 
this mutiny was communicated to general Washington at 
New Windsor, before any accommodation had taken place. 
Though lie had been long accustomed to decide in hazard- 
ous and difficult situations, yet it was no easy matter in this 
delicate crisis to determine on the most proper course to 
be pursued. His personal influence had several times ex- 
tinguished rising mi'tinies. The first scheme that present- 
ed itself was, to repair to the camp of the mutineers, and 
try to recal them to a sense of their dut}'; but on mature 
I reflection thh was declined. He well knew that their 
i claims were founded in justice, but he could not reconcile 
I himself to wound the di^^cipline of his army, by yielding to 
their den.ands while they were in open revolt with arms in 
; their hands. He viewed the subject in all its relations, 
! and was well apprised that the principal i;n>unds of discon- 
j tent were not peculiar to the Pennsylvania line, but com- 
mon to all his troops. 
j If force was requisite, he had none to spare without haz- 
arding West Point. If concessions were unavoidable, 
I they had better be made by any person than the commander 
in chief. After that due deliberation which he alwaj^s gave 
to matters of importance, he determined against a personal 
interference, and to leave the whole to the civil authorities, 
I iv'hich had already taken it up; but at the^same time pre- 
I pared for those measures which would become necessary, 
j if no accommodation took place. This resolution was 
I communicated to general Wayne, with a caution to regard 
the situation of the other lines of the jfrmy in any conces- 
J sions which might be made, and with a recommendation to 
draw the mutineers over the Delaware, with a view to in- 
I 2 



%Q6 THE LIFE OP 

crease the difficulty of communicating with the enemy in 
New York. 

The dangerous policy of yielding even to the just de- 
mands of soldiers with arms in their hands, soon became 
apparent. The success of the Pennsylvania line induced a 
part of that of New Jersey to hope for similar advantages, 
from similar conduct. A partof the Jersey brigade rose in 
arms, and making the same claims which had been yield- 
ed to the Pennsylvanians, marched to Chatham. Washing- 
ton, who was far from being pleased with the issue of the 
mutiny in the Pennsylvania line, determined by strong 
measures to stop the progress of a spirit which was hos- 
tile to all his hopes. Gen. Howe, with a detachment of 
the eastern troops, was immediately ordered to march 
as^ainst the mutineers, and instructed to make no terms 
with them while they were in a state of resistance; and oa 
their surrender to seize a few of the most active leaders, 
and to execute them immediately in the presence of their 
associates. These orders were obeyed; two of the ring- 
leaders were shot, and the survivors returned to their duty. 

Though Washington adopted these decisive measures, 
jei no man was more sensible of the merits and suft'erings 
of his army, and none more active and zealous in procur- 
ing them justice. He improved the late events, by writ- 
ing circular letters to the states, urging them to prevent 
ail future causes of discontent by fulfilling their engage- 
ments with-lheir respective lines. Some good effects were 
produced, but only temporary, and far short of the well 
founded claims of the army. Their wants with respect to 
provisions were only partially supplied and by expedients, 
from one short time to another. The most usual was or- 
dering an officer to seize on provisions wherever found. — 
This diff'ered from robbing; only in its being done by author- 
ity for the public service, and in the officer being always 
directed to give the proprietor a certificate of the quantity 
and quality of what was taken from bins. At first, some 
reliance was placed on these certificates, as vouchers to 
support a future demand on the United States; but they 
soon became so common as to be of little value. Recourse 
was so frequently had to coercion, both legislative and mil- 
itary, that the people not only lost confidence in public 
credit, but became impatient under all exertions of author- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. -Kjf 

ity for forcing their property from them. About this time 
Gen. Washington was obliged to apply nine thousand dol« 
lars sent by the state of Massachusetts for the payment of 
her troops, to the use of the Quarter Master's department, 
to enable him to transport provisions from the adjacent 
states. Before he consented to adopt this expedient, he 
had consumed every ounce of provision which had been 
kept as a reserve in the garrison of West Point, and had 
strained impress by military force to so great an extent 
that there was reason to apprehend the inhabitants, irritat- 
ed by such frequent calls would proceed to dangerous in- 
surrections. Fort Schuyler, West Point, and the posts up 
the North River, were en the point of being abandoned by 
their starving garrisons. At this period there was little or 
no circulating medium, either in the form of paper or 
specie, and in the neighbourhood of the American army, 
there was a real want of necessary provisions. The defi- 
ciency ot the former occasioned many inconveniencies, but 
the insufficiency of the latter had well nigh dissolved the 
army, and laid the country in every direction open to Brit- 
ish excursions. 

On the first of May, 1781, Gen. Washington commenced 
• a military journal. The following statement is extracted 
from it. "I begin at this epoch a concise journal of mill* 
tary transactions, &c. I lament not having attempted it 
from the commencement of the war in aid of my memory^ 
-and wish the multiplicity of matter which continually sur- 
rounds me, and the embarrassed state of our affairs, which 
is momentarily calling the attention to perplexities of one 
kind or another, may not defeat altogether or so interrupt 
my present intention and plan, as to render it of little avail. 
"To have the clearer understanding of the entries which 
may follow, it would be proper to recite in detail our wants 
and our prospects; but this alone would be a work of much 
time and great magnitude. It may suffice to give the sum 
of them, which I shall do in few words, viz. 

"Instead of having magazines filled with provisions, we 
have a scanty pittance scattered here and there in the dis- 
tant states. 

"Instead of having our arsenals well supplied with mili- 
tary stores, they are poorly provided, and the workmen all 
leaving them. Instead of having the various articles of 



lea THE LIFE OF 

field equipage in readiness, the Quarter Master General 
is but now applying to the several state.s to provide these 
things for their troops respectively. Instead of having a 
reii;:>1ar system of transportation established upon credit, 
or funds in the Quarter Master'*? hands to defray the con- 
tingent expenses tliereof, we have neither the one nor the 
other; and all that business, or a great part of it, being dene 
by impressment, we are daily and hourly oppressing the 
people, souring their tempers, and alienating tlieir affec- 
tions. Instead of having tlie regiments completed agreea- 
ble to the requisitions of congress, scarce any state in the 
union has at this hour one eighth part of its quota in the 
field, and there is little prospect of ever getting more than 
half. In a word, instead of having any thing in readiness 
to take the field, we have nothing; and instead of having 
the prospect of a glorious offensive campaign before us, we 
have a bewildered and gloomy prospect of a defensive one; 
unless we sliouid receive a powerful aid of ships, troops, 
and money, from oui generous allies, and these at present 
are too contingent to build upon." 

While the Americans were suffering the complicated 
calamities which introduced the year 1781, their adversa- 
ries were carrying on the most extensive plan of operations 
against them which had ever been attempted. It had often 
been objected to the British commanders, that they had 
not conducted the war in the manner most likely to effect 
the subjugation of the revolted provinces. Military critics 
found fault with them for keeping a large army idle at New 
York, which they said, if p»operly applied, would have 
been sufficient to make successful impressions at one and 
the same time on several of ti;e states. Tne British seem 
to have calculated the campaign of 1781, with a view to 
make an experiiiient of the comparative merit of this mode 
of conducting militarv operations. The war raged in tliat 
y«^ar not only in the vicinity of the British head quarters at 
New York, but in Georgia, South Carolina, North Caroli- 
na, and in Virginia. 

In this extensive warfare, Washington could have no 
immediate agency in the southern department. His ad- 
vice in corresponding with the officers c(mimanding in Vir- 
ginia, tlie Carolinas, and Georgia, was freely and benefi- 
cially given; and as large detachments sent to their aid as 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 109 

could be spared consistently with the security of West 
Point. In conducting the war, his invariable maxim was, 
to suffer the devastation of property, rather than liazard 
great and essential objects for its preservation. While the 
war raged in Virginia, the governor thereof, its represen- 
tatives in congress^ and other influential citizens, urged 
his return to the defence of his native state. But consid- 
ering America as his country, and the general safety as 
his object, he deemed it of more importance to remain on 
the Hudson; there he was not only securing the most im- 
portant post in the United States,"^ but concerting a grand 
plan of combined operations, which, as shall soon be relat- 
ed, not only delivered Virginia, but all the states from the 
calamities of the war. 

In Washington's disregard of property when in compe- 
tition with national objects, he was in no respect partial t® 
his own. While the British were in the Potowmac, they 
sent a flag on shore to Mount Vernon, his private estate, 
requiring a supply of fresh provisions. Refusals of suck 
demands, were often followed by buriihig the huu'es and 
other property near the river. To prevent this catastrophe, 
the person entrusted with the management of the estate, 
went on board with the flag, and carrying a supply of pro- 
visions, requested that the building's and improvements 
might be spared. For this he received a severe reprimand 
in a letter to him, in which the general observed: "That 
it would have been a less painful circumstance to me to 
hare heard, that, in consequence of your non-compliance 
with the reqirest of the British, they had burnt my house, 
and laid my plantation in ruins. You ought to have consid- 
ered youi»g^ as my representative, and s^iould have re- 
flected on the bad example of communicating with the ene- 
my, and making a voluntary offer of refieshment to them, 
with a view to prevent a conflagration." 

To the other difficulties with which Washington had to 
contend in the preceding years of the war, a new one was 
about this time added. While the whole force at his 
disposal was unequal to the defence of the country against 
the common enemy, a civil war was on the point of breaks 
ing out among his fellow-citizens. The claims of the in- 
habitants of Vermont to f3e a separate independent state^ 
and of .the state of New York, to their countrv. as within ita 



110 THE LITE OF 

chartered limits, together with open offers from the Royal 
Commanders to establish and defend them as a British prov- 
ince, produced a serious crisis, which called for the inter- 
ference of th« American chief. This was the more neces- 
sary, as the governments of New York and of Vermont 
were both resolved on exercising a jurisdiction over the 
eame people and the same territorj. Congress, wishing to 
compromise the controversy on middle ground, resolved, in 
August, 1781, to accede to the independence of Vermont, 
on certain conditions, and M'ithin certain specified limits, 
which they supposed would satisfy both parties. Contrary 
to their expectations, this mediatorial act of the national le- 
gislature was rejected by Vermont, and yet was so disagree- 
able to the legislature of New York, as to draw from them a 
spirited protest against it, Vermont complained that con- 
gress interfered in their internal police; New York view- 
ed the resolve as a virtual dismemberment of tlieir state, 
which was a constituent part of the confederacy. Wash- 
ington, anxious for the peace of the union, sent a message 
to Chittenden, governor of Vermont, desiring to know 
what were the real designs, views and intentions of the 
people of Vermont; whether they would be satisfied with 
the independence proposed by congress, or had it serious- 
ly in contemplation to join with the enem-y, and become a 
British province." The governor returned an unequivocal 
answer; "that there were no people on the continent more 
attached to the cause of America than the people of Ver- 
mont; but they were fully determined not to be put under 
the government of New York; that they would oppose this 
by force of arms, and would join with the British in Canada 
rather than to submit to tl)at government." \\*hile both 
states were dissatisfied with congress, and their animosi- 
ties, from increasing violence and irritation, became daily 
more alarming, Washington, aware of the extremes to 
which all parties were tending, returned an answer to Gov. 
Chittendtn, in w!'ich were these expressions: ^^it is not 
lay business, neither do 1 think itnecessary now to discuss 
the origin of a right of a nu.r»ber of the inhabitants to that 
trpct of country, formerly distinguished by the name of the 
New Hampshire grants, and now known by that of Ver- 
mont. I will take it for granted, that their right was good, 
because congress, by their resolve of the 7th August, im- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. Ill 

ply it, and bj that of the 21st, are willing fully to eonfirm 
it, provided the new state is confined to certain described 
bounds. It appears therefore to me, that the dispute of 
boundary is the only one that exists, and that being re- 
moved, all other difficulties would be removed also, and 
the matter terminated to the satisfaction of all parties. — 
You have nothing to do but to withdraw your jurisdiction to 
the confines of your own limits, and obtain an acknowledg- 
ment of independence and sovereignty, under the resolve 
of the 21st of August, for so much territory as does not 
interfere with the ancient established bounds of New- 
York, New Hampshire and Massachusetts. In my pri- 
vate opinion, while it behoves the delegates to do ample 
justice to a body of people suffici(^ntly respectable by their 
numbers, and entitled by other claims to be admitted into 
that confederation, it becomes them also to attend to the in- 
terests of their constituents, and see that under the ap- 
pearance of justice to one, they do not materially injure 
the rights of others. I am apt to tliink this the prevail- 
ing opinion of congress.'^ 

The impartiality, moderation and good sense of this 
letter, together with a full conviction of the disinterested 
patriotism of the writer, bi otight round a revolution in the 
minds of the legislature of Vermont; and they accepted 
the propositions of congress, thou^^h they had rejected 
I them four months before. A truce among the contending 
(parties followed, aiid the storm^blew over. Thus the per- 
isonal infiue-ice of one man, derived from his pre-eminent 
'^virtues and meritorkms services, extin5:uished the sparks of 
'civil discord at the time they were kindling into flame.* 

Though in conducting the An»erican war, Gen. Wash* 
lington often acted on the Fabian system, by evacuating, re- 
'trearing, and avoiding decisive engagements; yet this was 
Imuch more the resuU. of necessity than of choice. His uni- 
(form opinion was in favour of ener^^tic offensive operations, 
|as the most effectual means of bringing the war to a termi- 

( * For more particulars, see Williams's History of Vermont; st 
work, wliich, for its sviperiour merit, deserves a place in every U- 
jbrary. If the author had been an European, this wo)ild proba- 
|bly have been the case soon after his enUg-htened, philosophical Histo- 
ry had crossed the Atlantic, and made its appearance in the United 
States. 



tm THE LIFE OF 

nation. On this principle he planned attacks in 'almost 
every year on some or other of the British armies or strong 
posts in the United States. He endeavoured from year to 
year, to stimulate the public mind to some great operation; 
but was never properly supported. In the years 1778, 1779, 
and 1780, the projected combined operations with the 
French, as has been related, entirely miscarried. The 
idea of ending the war by some decisive military exploit, 
continually occupied his active mind. To ensure success, 
a naval superiority on the coast, and a loan of money, were 
indispensably necessary. The last was particularly so in 
the year 1781; for the resources of the United States, 
were then so reduced, as to be unequal to the support of 
their army, or even to the transportation of it to any distant 
scene of action. To obtain these necessary aids, it WiiS 
determined to send an envoy extraordinary to the court ot 
Versailles. Lieut. Col. John Laurens was selected for this 
purpo:^e. He was in every respect qualified for the im- 
portant mission. In addition to the most engaging person- 
al addiess, his connection with the commander in chief, as 
one of his aids, L':ave him an opportunity of beins; intimate- 
ly acquainted with the nulitary capacities and weaknesses 
of his country. These were also 'jarticularly detailed in the 
form of a letter to him from Gen. Washington. This was 
written when the Pennsylvania line was in open revolt. 
Among other intere^^ting matters, it stated, "Tliat the ef- 
forts already made by the United States, exceeded the nat- 
ural ability of the conntrv; and that any revenue they were 
capable of making, would leave a large surplus to be sup- 
plied by credit; that experience had proved the impossi- 
bility of supporting a paper system without funds, and that 
domestic loans could not be effected, hocause there were 
few men of monied canital in the United States; that from 
necessity, recourse had been had to military impressments 
for supporting the army, which, if continued longer, or 
urged farther, would probably disgust the people, and 
bring round a revolution of public sentiment. 

"That the relief procured by these violent means was so 
inadequate, that the patience of the army was exhausted, 
and their discontents had broke out in serious and alarm- 
ing mutinies; that the relief necessary was not witliin the 
power of the United States; and that from a view of all 
circumstances, a loan of money was absolutely necessary 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. ' 11:^ 

for reviving public credit, and giving vigour to future ope- 
rations." It was further stated, "that next to a loan of mo- 
ney, a French naval superiority in the American seas was 
of so much consequence, that without it nothing decii?ive 
could be undertaken against the British, who were in the 
greatest force on and near the coasts." 

The future capacities of the United States to repay any 
loan that might be made, were particularly stated; and 
that "there was still a fund of resource and inclination in 
the country equal to great exertions, provided a liberal 
supply of money would furnish the means of stopping the 
progress of disgust which resulted from the unpopular 
mode of supplying the army by requisition and impress- 
ment." 

Such interesting statements, sanctioned by the American 
chiefs and enforced by the address of Col. Laurens, direct- 
ly from the scene of action, and the influence of Dr. Frank- 
lin, who, for the five preceding years, had been minister 
plenipotentiary from the United States to the court of Ver- 
sailles, produced the desired effect. His Most Christian 
Majesty gave his American allies a subsidy of six millions 
of livres, and became their security for ten millions more, 
borrowed for their use in the United Netherlands, A na«r 
val co-operation was promised, and a conjunct expedition 
against their common foes projected. 

The American war was now so far involved in the con- 
sequences of naval operations, that a superiour French iieet 
seemed to be the hinge on which it was likely soon to take 
a favourable turn. The British army being parcelled in the 
diiTeient seaports of the United States, any division of it, 
blocked up by a French fleet, could not long resist the su- 
periour combined force which might be brought to operate 
against it. The Marquis de Castries, who directed the 
marine of France with great precision, calculated the na- 
val force which the British could concentre on the coast of 
the United States, and disposed his own in such a manner 
as insured him a superiority. In conformity to these prin- 
ciples,and in subserviency to the design of the campaign, 
M. de Grasse sailed in March, 1781, from Brest, with twtn^ 
ty-five sail of tlie line, several thousand land forces, and a 
large convoy amounting to more than two hundred ships. 
A small part of this force was destined for the East Indie^; 
K 



ri4 THE LIFE OF 

but M. de Grasse with the greater part sailed for Marti- 
n-ique. 

The British fleet then in the West Indies had been previ- 
ously weakened by the departure of a squadron for the 
protection of tlie ships which were employed in carrying 
to England the booty which had been taken at St. Eustatius. 
The British admirals Hood and Drake, were detached to 
intercept the outward bound Frencli fleet, commanded by 
M. de Grasse; but a- junction between his force and eight 
ships of the line, and one of fifty guns, which were previ- 
ously at Martinique and St. Domingo, was nevertheless 
etFected. By this combination of fresh ships from Europe,- 
with the Frencii fleet previously in the West Indies, they 
had a decided superiority. M. de Grasse having finished^ 
liis business in the West Indies, saded in the beginning 
of August with a prodigious convoy. After seeing this« 
out of danger, he directed his course for the Chesapeake, 
and arrived there on the thirtieth of the same month. Five 
dars before his arrival in the Che&apeak^, the French fleet 
in Rhode Island sailed for the same place. These fleets, 
notwithstanding their original distance from the scene of 
action, and from each other, coincided in their operations- 
in an extraordinary manner, far beyond the reach of mili- 
tary calculation. They all tended to one object, and at one- 
and tiie same time; and that object was neither known nor 
suspected by the British, till the proper season for counter- 
action was ehipsed. 

This coincidence of favourable circumstances extended 
to the marches of the American and French land forces. 
The plan of operations had been so well digested, and was 
80 faithfully executed by the different commanders, that 
Gen. Wasriington and Count Rochambeau had passed the 
British head quarteis in New York, and were considerably 
advanced on their way to Yorktown, before Count de Grasse 
had reached tlie American coast. This was effected in the 
following manner: Mons. de Barras, appointed to the 
command of tiie French squadron at Newpert, airived at 
Boston with despatches for Count de Rocliambeau. An 
interview soon after took place at Weathersfield, between 
generals Washington, Knox and d« Portail^ on the part of 
the Americans, and Count de Rochambeau and the Cheva- 
Usr ChasteUeux, on tlie part of tlie French. At this inter- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 115 

view an eventual plan of the whole campaign was fixed. 
This was to lay siege to New York, in concert with "a 
French fleet? which was to arrive on the coast in the month 
of August. It was agreed that the French troops should 
march" towards the North River. Letters v.ere addressed 
by Gen. Washington to the executive officers of New 
llampshir*, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Jersey, 
requiring them to fill up their battalif•l^s, and to have th.eir 
• quotas of six thousand two hundred militia in readiness 
within a week of the time they might be called for. Con- 
formably to these outlines of the campaign, the Frendi 
troops marched from Rhode Island in June, and early in 
the following month joined the American army. At the 
same time Washington marched his army from their winter 
encampment near Peekskill to the vicinity of Kingsbridge. 
Gen. Lincoln fell down the North River with a detachment 
in boats, and took possession of the ground where Fort In- 
dependence formerly stood. An attack wasmadeupon him, 
but was soon discontinued. The Britisli about this time re- 
tired with almost the whole of thei<i': force to York Island. 
Washington hoped to be able to commence operations 
against New York about the middle, or at farthest the lat- 
ter end of July. Flat bottomed boats sufficient to transport 
five thousand men were built near Albany, and brought 
down the North River to the neighbourhood of the Ameri- 
can army before New York. Ovens were erected opposite 
•to Staten Island for the use of the French troops. Evcjy 
-inovemer.t intro. Victory to the commencemer.t of the siege 
was made. To the great mortification of AVashington, he 
•found iiimself on the 2d of August, to be only a few hun- 
■dreds stronger than he was on the day his army first moved 
from their winter quarters. To have fixed on a plan of 
operations with a foreign officer at the head of a respecta- 
ble force; to have brought that force from a considerable 
distance in confident expectation of reinforcements suffi- 
ciently large to commence efiective operations against the. 
"Common enemy; and at the same time to hare engagements 
in behalf of the states violated in direct oppo>ition to'their 
own interests, and in a manner deroi':ator3' to his personal 
honour, was enough to have excited storms and tempests in 
any mind less calm than that of (5cn. Washington. He bore 
,this hard trial with his usual magnanimity, and contented 



U6 THE LtFE OF 

J'.imseif \vit}» repeating his requisitions to the states and 
it the ?anie time urged them by every tie to enable him to 
f lifil engagements entered into on their account with the 
commander of the French troops. 

That tardiness which at other times had brought the 
Americans near the brink of ruin, was how the accideiital 
t aiise of real service. Had they sent forward their recruits 
for t})e regular army, and their quotas of militia, as was ex- 
pected, the siege of New York would have commenced in 
tb.e latter end of July, or early in August. While the sea- 
son was wasting away in expectation of these reinforce- 
ments, lord Cornvvallisi as has been mentioned, fixed liim- 
s^elf near the Capes of Virginia. His situation there, the 
arrival of a reinforcement of three thousand Germans 
fiom Europe to New York; the superiour strength of their 
garrison; the failure of the states in filling up their battal- 
iiHis and embodying their militia; and especially recent in- 
telligence from Count de Grasse, that liis destination was 
fixed to the Chesapeake, concurred about the middle of 
August to make a total change of the plan of the cam- 
paign. 

Tiie appearance of an intention to attack New York was 
nevertheless kept up. While this deception was played 
oT, the allied ariny crossed the North River, and passed on 
by the way of Philadelphia through the intermediate coun- 
try to Yorktown. An attempt to reduce the British force in 
Virginia promised success with more expedition, and to 
secure an object of nearly equal import.iiice as the reduc- 
tion of New York. 

While the attack of New York was in serious contem- 
plation, a letter from Gen. Washington, detailing the par- 
ticulars of the intended operations of the campaign, being 
iiitercepted, fell into the hands of sir Henry Clinton. Af- 
ivv the plan was changed, the royal commander wasso much 
under the impression of the intelligence contained in the 
intercepted letter, that he believed every movement toward 
Virginia to be a feint calculated to draw^ off his attention 
fi om the defence of New York. Under the influence of 
this (>pinion, he bent his whole force to strengthen that 
post; and suffered the American and French armies to pass 
him vvit'iout molestation. When the. best opportunity of 
striking at them was elapsed, then for the first time he was 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 11^ 

HjTOught to believe, that th« allies had fixed on Virginia for 
the theatre of their combined operations. As truth may 
be made to answer the purposes of deception, so no feint of 
attacking New York could* have been more successful than 
the real intention. 

In the latter end of August,- the American army began 
their march to Virginia from the neighbourhood of New 
York. Washington had advanced as far as Chester, before 
he received the news of the arrival of the fleet commanded 
by M. de Grasse. The French troops marched at the same 
time, and for the same place. Gen. Washington and Count 
.Rochanibeau with generals Chastelleux, du Portail, and 
■Knox, proceeded to visit Count tie Grasse, on board his ship, 
the Ville de Paris, aivd agreed on a plan of operations. 

The Coiint afterward wrote to Washington, that in 
-case a British fleet appeared, ''he conceived that he ought 
to go out and meet them at sea, instead of risking an en- 
gagement in a confined situation." Tliis alarmed the gen- 
eral. He sent the Marquis de la Fayette with a letter to 
-dissuade him from the dangerous measure. This letter, anU 
the persuasions of the Marquis, had the desired effect. 

The combined forces proceeded on their way to Yorktown, 
|)artly by land, and partly^downthe Chesapeake. The 
whole, together with a body of Virginia militia, under the 
command of Gen. Nelson, rendezvoused at Williamsburg, 
on the 25th -of^September, and in five days after moved 
down to the investiture of Yorktown. The French fleet 
at the same time moved to the mouth 4)f York river, and 
took a position which wa*; calculated to prevent lord Corn- 
xvallis either from retreating, ^r receiving succour by ^.\v.a° 
ter. PrtH'iinisly to the march -from Williamsburg to .York- 
town, Washington gave out in general orders, as follo\vS:| 
"If the enemy should be tenipted to meet tiie army on it^ 
march, the general particularly enjoins the troops to pUce 
their principal reliance on the bayonet, that they may»pr,OYe 
the vanity of the boast which the British make oi their par- 
ticular -prowess in deciding battles with that weapon.*' 

The works erected for the security -of Yorktown on the 
eight, were redoubts and battei'ies, ^Vv^ith a line of stockarfe 
in the rear. A marshy ravine lay in front of the right, 
over which was placed a large redoubt. 'I'he morass ex- 
tended alona; the centre, v/hich..>yas defended by a line of 
K 2 ■ J - 



118 THE LIF?: OF 

stockade, and by batteries. On the left of the centre was a 
hornvvork with a ditch, a row of fraize, and an abbatis. 
Two redoubts were advanced before the left. The com- 
bined forces advanced, and took possession of the ground 
from which the British had retired. About this time the 
legion cavalry and mounted infantry passed over the river 
to Gloucester. General D. Choisy invested the British 
post on that side &o fully, as to cut off" all communication 
between it and the country. In the mean time, the royal 
army was straining every nerve to strengthen their works, 
and their artillery was constantly employed in impeding the 
, operations of the combined army. On the ninth and tenth 
of October, the Americans and French opened their batte- 
ries. They kept up a brisk and well directed fire from 
heavy cannon, from mortars and howitzers. The shells of 
the besiegers reached the ships in the harbour; the Charon 
of forty-four guns, and a transport ship, were burned. The 
besiegers commenced their second parallel two hundred 
yards from the works of th^besieged. Two redoubts 
which were advanced on the leffof the British, greatly im- 
peded the progress of the combined armies. It was, there- 
fore, proposed to carry them by storm, To excite a spirit 
nf emulation, the reduction of the one was committed to 
tiie French, of the other to the Americans. The assailants 
riiarclied to the assault with unloaded arms; having passed 
the abbatis and palisades, they attacked on all sides, and 
carried the redoubt in a few minutes, with the loss of eight 
men killed, and twenty-eight wounded. 

The French were equally successful on their part. 
They carried the re<loubt assigned to them with rapidity, 
but lost a considerable number of men. These two redoubts 
were included in the second parallel, and facilitated the 
subsequent operations of the besiegers. 

By this time the batteries of the besiegers were covered 
with nearly a hundred pieces of heavy ordnance, and the 
works of j;hc besi^'ged were so damaged that they could 
scarcely shovv a single gun. Lord Cornvvaliis had now no 
hope left, but from offei-ing terms of capitulation, of at- 
tempting a!) escape. Me determined on the latter. This, 
thoug's less practicable than when first proposed was not 
altogether hopeless. Boats were prepared to receive the 
troups in tjie night, and to- transport them to Gloucester 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 119 

point. After one whole embarkjUion had crossed, a vio- 
lent storm 0^ wind and rain disperse:! the boats, and frus- 
trated the whole scheme. The royal army, thus weakened 
by division, was exposed to increased danger. Orders 
were sent to those who had passed, to recross the river to 
Yorlitown. With the failure of tliis scheme, the last hope 
of the British army expired. Longer resistance could an- 
swer no ^o'm\ purpose, and might occasion the loss of many 
valuable lives. Lotxl Cornvvallis therefore wrote a let- 
ter to Gen; Wasiiington, requesting a cessation of arms for 
twenty-four hours; and tiiat conmiissioners might be ap- 
pointed to digest terms of capitulation. This was agreed 
to, and in consequence thereof, the posts of York and Glou- 
I cester were surrendered on certain stipulations; the prin- 
cipal of vvhic!i were as follows: ''The troops to be prison- 
ers of war to congress, and the naval force to France; 
the officers to retain their side arms and private property 
of every kind, but every tlung obviously belonging to the 
,^ inhabitants of the Utiited States, to be sul)ject to be re- 
, claimed; the soldiers to be kept in Virginia, Maryland, 
I and Pennsylvania, and to be supplied with the same rations 
I as are allowed to soldieis in the. service of congress: a 
proportion of the oflicers to march into the country with the 
I prisoners, the rest to be allowed to proceed on parole to 
j Kurope, to New York, or to a?iy other American maritime 
post in p«ssession of the British." The honour of march- 
liiig out with colours flying, whicli had been refused to Gen. 
I Lincoln on his giving up Chaiiestowo, was now refused to 
I Earl Cornwallis: and Gen. Lincoln was appointed to re- 
ceive tlie submission of the royal army at Vorktown, pre- 
I cisely in the same way his own had been conducted about 
j eighteen months before„ 

j 'l*ne regular troops of America and France, employed 
I'm tliis siege, consisted of about live thousand five hundred 
iof the former, and seven thousand of the latter, and tUey 
I were assisted by about four thousand militia. On the part 
I of the combined army, about three hundred were killed or 
wounded. On the part of the British, about five hundred 
land seventy weie taken in the redoubts, which were car- 
ried by assault on the 14th of October. The troops of ev- 
lery kind that surrendered prisoners of war, exceeded sev- 
I €11 thousand men; but so great was the number of sick 



no THE LIFE OF 

•and wounded, that there were only three thousand eiglit 
hundred capable of bearing arms. 

Congress hoHoui?ed Gen. Washington, Count de Tio- 
chambeau. Count de Grasse, and' the officers of t\m differ- 
ent corps, and the men under them, with thanks for their 
services in the reduction of Lord Cornwallis. The wlioki 
project was conceived with profouad wisdom, and the in- 
cidents of it had been combined with singular propriety. 
•It is not therefore wonderful, that from t\¥d remarkable 
coincidence in all its parts, it was crowned with unvaried 
success. 

General Washington on the day after the surrender, or- 
-dered, ^*that those who were under arrest, should be par- 
-doned and set at liberty." His orders closed as follows: 
.-<' Divine service shall be performed to-morrow in the dif- 
ferent brigades ^nd divisions. The -commander in chief 
recommends that all; the troops that are not upon duty, to 
assist at it with a serious deportment, and that sensibility 
of heart, which the recollectionof the surprising and par- 
ticular interposition of providence in our favour claims.'' 
The interesting event of captivating a secoivd royal armv^ 
producid Strang emotions, which broke -out in all the va- 
riety of ways, in which the most rapturous joy usually 
<iispliiys; itself. 

After the capture of Lord Cornwallis, Washington, witli 
4he greatest part of his army, i^turned to the vicinity of 
New York. In the preceding six years he had been ac- 
customed to look forward and to provide for all possible 
events. In the habit of struiigling with difficulties, his 
courage at all tiitjes grew with the dangers w'liich sur- 
rounded him. In ti>e most disastrous situations he was far 
removed from despair. On the other hatid, those^ fortunate 
events which Induced ma^iy to believe that the revokition 
was accomplished, never o-iierated on hiin so far as to re- 
lax his exertions or preeautions. Though^ comulete suc- 
cess had been obtained .by the. allied •anus in Virginia, aitd 
great advantages had been gained in. 1781 in the Carolina^i, 
yet Washington urged the necessity of being prepared for 
another campaign. In a letter to Gen. Qreene he observ- 
ed, "I shall endeavour to stimulate congress to the best 
improvement of our late success, by tailing* the most vigor- 
ous and effectual measures to.be ready for an early and 
decisive campaign the next year. My greatest fear is that 



GEORGE WA.SI11NGT0N. 121 

viewing this stroke in a point of light which may too much 
magtiitj its importance, they may think our work too near- 
ly closed, and fall into a state of langour and relaxation. 
To prevent this errour, I shall employ every means iri my 
powers and if unhappily we sink into this fatal mistake, no 
part of tha blauie shall be mine." 



CHAPTER IX. 



_ 1782 and 1788. 

Prospects of peace. Lang-aor of the states. Discontents of the ar- 
my. Gen. Washing'ton prevents the adoption of rash measures, 
' Some new levies in Pennsylvania mutiny, aiid are quelled. Wash- 
ington recommends measures for the preservation of indepen- 
dence, peace, liberty and happiness. Dismisses his army. Enters 
New York. Takes leave of his officers. Settles his accounts. 
Repairs to Annapolis. Resig-ns his commission. Retires to Mount 
Vernon, and resumes his agricultural pursuits. 

The military establishment of 1782, was passed with 

unusual celerity shortly after the surrender of Lord Corn- 

wallis; but no exertions of America alone could do more 

than confine the British to tlie sea coast. To dislodge them 

from their strong holds in New York and Charleston, 

occupied tlie unceasing attention of Washington. \A'hile 

he was concerting plans for fart'cer conibincd operations 

with the J^iench, and at the same time endeavouring by cir- 

I cular letters to rouse his countrymen to spirited mea- 

I sures, intelligence arrived that sundry motiosis for discon- 

1 tinuing the American war, had been debated in the British 

Parliament, and nearly carried. Fearing that this would 

; relax the exertions of the states, he added in his circular 

j letters to their respective governors, "I have perused 

the«e debates with great attention and care, with a view, if 

I possible, to penetrate their real design; and upon the most 

jnature deliberation I can bestow, 1 am obliged to declare 



122 THE LIFE OF 

it as my cantliil opinion, that the measure, in all its views, 
so far as it respects America, is merely delusory, having 
no serious intention to admit our independence upon its 
trufe principles; but is calculated to produce a clianj^e of 
ministers to quiet the minds of their own people, and re- 
concile them to a continuance of the war; while it is meant 
to amuse this country with a fitlse idea of peace, to draw 
us from our connexion with France, and to lull us into a 
state of security and inactivity; which taking place, the 
ministry will be left to prosecirte t'le war in otlier parts of 
the world with greater vigour and effect. Your excellency 
will permit me on this occasion to observe, that even if the 
nation and parliament are really in earnest to obtain peace, 
with America, it will undoubtedly be wisdom in us to meet 
them with great caution and circumspection, and by all 
means to keep our arms firga in our hands: and instead of 
relaxing one iota in our exertions, rather to spring ff)rward 
with redoubled vigour, that we may 'take the advantage 
of every favourable opportunity, until our wishes are fully 
obtained. No nation yet suftered in treaty by preparing, 
even in the moment of negociation, most vigorously for the 
field." 

Early in May, Sir Guy Carleton, who had succeeded Sir 
Henry Clinton as commander in chief of the British forces 
in America, arrived in New York, and announced in suC" 
ce&sive coinmunica^ions, the increasing probability of a 
speedy peace, and his disapproliation of farther ho,tilities, 
which, he observed, ''Could only tend to multiply t!ie mise- 
ries of individuals, without a possible advantage to either 
nation." The cautious temper of Wash iniiton gradually 
yielded to increasing evidence that the British were seri- 
ously inclined to terniinate the) war; hi t in proportion as 
this opinion prevailed, the exertions of the states relaxed. 
Not more than eiglity thousand dollars had been received 
•from all of them, when the month of August was far ad- 
vanced. Every expenditure yielded to the subsistence of 
the army. A sufficiency of money could scarcely be obtain- 
ed for that indispensably necessary purpose. To pay the 
troops was impos>«ible. 

Washington, whose sagacity anticipated events, for^^saw 
with concern, the probable consequences likely to result 
from the tawlincss of the states to comply with the r§qui- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 1;25 

sitlons of congress. These had been ample. Eight mil- 
lions of dollars had been called for, to be paid in four equal 
quarterly instalments, for the service of tlie year 1782. In 
a confidential letter to the Secretary of W^r, Washington 
observed, "I cannot help fearing the result of reducing the 
army, where I see such a number of men, goaded by a thou- 
sand stings of reflection on the past, and of anticipation on 
the future, about to be turned into tht world, soured by penu- 
ry, and what they call the ingratitude of the public; involved 
in debts without one farthing of money to carry them home,, 
after having spent the flower of their days^ and many of 
them their patrimonies, in establishing the freedom and 
independence of their country, and having suffered every 
thing which human nature is capable of enduring on this 
sideof deatli. 1 repeat it, when 1 reflect on tliese irritable 
circumstances, I cannot avoid apprehending that a train of 
evils will follow, of a very seiious and distressing nature. 

'*I wish not toheigliten the shades of the picture so far 

as the real life would justify me in doinpv or I would give 

j anecdotes of patriotism and distress, which have scarcelj 

' ever been paralleled, never surpassed in the histoiy of 

mankind. But you may rely upon it, the patience and long 

suiferance of this army are almost e:.hMUsted, and there 

I never was so great a spirit of discontent as at this instant.. 

j While in the field, it may be kept from breaking out into 

( acts of outrage; but nhen we retire into winter quarters-, 

! unless the storm be previously dissipated, 1 cannot be at 

' ease respecting the consequences. It is high tinie for 

peace." 

These apprehensions were well founded. To watch the 
I discontents of his troops, the American chief continued in* 
! eamp after they had retired into winter quarters, though 
j there was no prospect of any military operation which- 
' iinight require his presence.. Soon after their retirement 
I tlie officers presented a petition to ct>ngress respecting 
I their pay, and deputed a committee of their body to solicit 
( their interest while under consideration,* 
. Nothing had been decided on the claims of the army^ 
^^^^in intelligence, in March, 1783, arrived, that prelimina- 
ry and eventual articles of peace between the United States. 

*See the appendix for this petitien. 



124 THE LIFE OF 

iand Great Britain had been signed on the SOth of the pre- 
ceding November, in which the independence of the United 
States was an ply recognized. In the general joy excited 
by this event, the army partook; but one unpleasant idea 
mingled itself with their exultations. They suspected that 
as justice had not been done to them while their services 
were indispensable, they would be less likely to obtain it 
when thej ceased to be necessary. Their fears on this 
account was increased by a letter which about the same 
time was received from their committee in Philadelphia, 
announcing that the objticts which they had solicited from 
congress had not yet been obtained. Smarting as they 
were under past sufferings, and present wants, their exas- 
peration became violent and almost universal. While they 
weie brooding over their glo(»my prospects, and provoked 
at the apparent neglect with which they had been treated, 
an anonymous paper was circulated, proposing a meeting 
of the General and Field Officers on the next day. The 
avowed object of this meeting was to consider the late let- 
ter from their committee with congress, and what mea- 
sures should be adopted to obtain that redress of grievan- 
ces which they seemed to have solicited in vain. On 
tlie same day the following address was privately circu- 
lated. 

"TO THE OFFICERS OF THE ARMY. 

•'Gentlemen, 

"A fellow soldier, whose interest and aflTections bind 
him strongly to you; whose past suflerings have been as 
great, and whose future fortune may be as desperate as 
yours, would beg leave to address you. Age has its claims, 
and rank is not without its pretensions to advise; but 
thoujr;h unsupported by both, he flatters himself th t the 
plain language of sincerity and experience, will neither be 
unheard, nor unregarded. Like many of you, beloved pri- 
vate life, and left it with regret. He left it, deteiniined to 
retire from the field with the necessity that called him to 
it, and not till then; not till the enemies of his country, the 
slaves of power, and the hirelings of injustice, were com- 
pelled to abandon tlieir schemes, and acknowledge Amer 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. U5 

ica as terrible in arms as she had been humble in remon- 
strance. With this object in view, he has long shared in 
your toils, and mingled in jour dangers; he has felt the 
cold hand of poverty without a murmur, and has seen the 
insolence of wealth without a sigh. But, too much under 
the direction of his wishes, and sometimes weak enough to 
mistake desire for opinion, he has, till lately, very lately, 
believed in the justice of his country. He hoped, that as 
the clouds of adversity scattered, and as the sunshine of 
peace and better fortune broke in upon us, the coldness and 
severity of government would relax, and that, more than 
justice, that gratitude would blaze forth upon those hands 
which had upheld her in the darkest stages of her passage, 
from impending servitude to acknowledged independence. 
But faith has its limits, as well as temper; and there are 
points beyond which neither can be stretched, without sink- 
ing into cowardice, or plunging into credulity. This, my 
friends, I conceive to be your situation. Hurried to the very 
verge of both, another step would ruin you forever. To be 
tame and unprovoked when injuries press hard upon jou, 
is more than weakness; but to look up for kinder usage, 
M'ithout one manly efibrt of your own, would fix your char- 
acter, and show the world how richly you deserve those 
chains you broke. To guard against this evil, let us take a 
review of the ground upon which we now stand, and from 
thence carry our thoughts forward for a moment, into the 
unexplored field of expedient. 

"After a pursuit of seven long years, the object for 
which we set out is at length brought within our reach! — • 
Yes, my friends, that suffering courage of yours, was ac- 
j tive once; it has conducted the United States of America 
I through a doubtful and a bloody war. It has placed her in 
I the chair of independency, and peace returns again to biess 
I —.whom? A country willing to redress your wrongs, cher- 
j ish your worth, and reward your services: a country court- 
ing your return to private life with tears of gratitude, and 
I smiles of admiration; longing to divide with you that inde- 
; pendency which your gallantry has given, and those riches 
which your wounds have preserved.^ Is this the case.^ Or is 
' it rather, a country that tramples upon your rights, dis- 
dains your cries, and insults your distresses? Have you not, 
more than once suggested your wishes, aud made known 
L 



126 THE LIFE OF 

your wants to congress? Wants and wishes which grati- 
tude and policy should have anticipated, rather than evaded. 
And have you not lately, in the meek language of entreating 
memorial, begs;ed from their justice, what you would no 
longer expect from their favour? How have you been an- 
swered? Let the letter which you are called to consider to- 
morrow, make reply. 

"If this, then, be your treatment, while the swords you 
wear are necessary for the defence of America, what have 
you to expect from peace, when your voice shall sink, and 
jour strength dissipate by division? 

"When these very swords, the instruments and compan- 
ions of your glory, shall be taken from your sides, and no 
remaining mark of military distinction left, but your wants, 
infirmities and scars; can you then consent to be the only 
sufferers by this revolution, and retiring from the field 
grow old in poverty, wretchedness and contempt? Can you 
consent to wade through t'^e vile mire of dependency, and 
owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity, which 
has hitherto been spent in honour? If you can, go; and 
carry with you the jest of tories, and the scorn of whigs; 
th^ ridicule, and, what is worse, the ^^ify of the world! Go, 
starve, and be forgotten! But if your spirit should revolt at 
this; if you have sense enough to discover, and spirit 
enough to oppose tyranny, under whatever garb it may as- 
sume; whether it be the plain coat of republicanism, or the 
splendid robe of royalty; if you have yet learned to discrim- 
inate between a people and a cause, between men and 
principles, awake! Attend to your situation, and redress 
yourselves. If the present moment be lost, every future 
effort is in vain; and your threats then will be as empty as 
your entreaties now. I would advise you, therefore, to 
come to some final opinion, upon what you can bear, and 
what you will suffer. If your determination be in any propor- 
tion to your wrongs, carry your appeal from the justice to 
the fears of government; change the milk and water style 
of your last memorial; assume a bolder tone; decent, but 
lively, spirited and determined; and suspect the man who 
would advise to more moderation and longer forbearance. 
Let two or three men, who can feel as well as write, be ap- 
pointed to draw up your last remonstrance; for I would ne 
longer give it the sueing, soft, unsuccessful epithet of memo- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 127 

rial._ Let it be represented, in language that will neither 
dishonour you by its rudeness, nor betray you by its fears,, 
what has been promised by congress, and what has been 
performed; how long and how patiently you have suftered; 
how little you have asked, and how much of that little has 
been denied. Tell them that though you were the first, and 
would wish to be the last, to encounter danger; tliough 
despair itself can never drive you into dishonour; it 
may drive you from the field; that the wound often irrit^,- 
ted, and never healed, may at length become incurable; and 
that the slightest mark of indignity from congress now, must 
operate like the grave, and paityou forever; that in any po- 
litical event, the army has its alternative. li^ peace, that 
nothing shall separateyou from your arms but death; if war, 
that courting the auspices and inviting the directions of 
your illustrious leader, you v/ill retire to some unsettled 
country, smile in your turn, and "mock when their fear 
cometh on." But let it represent also, that should they 
comply with the request of your late memorial, it would 
make you more happy, and them more respectable; that 
while the war should continue, you would follow their 
standard into the field; and when it cante to an end, you 
' would withdraw into the shade of private life, and give the 
world am)ther subject of wonder and applause; an army 
victorious over its enemies, victorious over itself. ^^ 

[Anonymous.] 

' This artful address found in almost every bosom such 
congenial sentiments, as prepared the way for its favoura- 
ble reception. It operated like a torch on combustible ma- 
terials. The passions of the army quickly caught the flame 
it was well calculated to excite. Every appearance threat* 
ened tliat the proposed convention of tiie officers would 
produce an explosion which might tarnish the i eputation of 
the army, disturb the peace of the country, and, under 
certain circumstances, most probably terminate in the sub- 
version of the recent liberties of the new formed states. 

Accustomed, as Washington had been, to emergencies 
t>f great delicacy and difficulty, yet none had occurred, which 
called more pressingly than the present, for the utmost ex- 
ertion of all his powers. He knew well that it was much 
easier to avoid intemperate measures, than to recede from 
them after they had been adopted. He tlerefore consider- 



128 THE LIFE OF 

ed it as a matter of the last importance, to prevent the 
meeting of the officers on the succeeding day, as proposed 
in the anonymous summons. The sensibilities of the army 
were- too hi<i;h to admit of this being forbidden by authority, 
as a violation of discipline; but the end was answered in 
another way, and without irritation. The commander in 
chief, in general orders, noticed the anonymous summons, 
as a disorderly proceeding, not to be countenanced; and 
tiie more efFectually to divert the officers from paying any 
attention to it, he requested them to meet for the same no- 
minal purpose, but on a day four days subsequent to the 
one proposed by the an^snymous adilresser. The inter- 
vening period was improved in preparing the officers for the 
adoption of moderate measures. Gen. Washington sent 
for one officer after another, and enlarged in private on the 
fiital consequences; and particularly the loss of cliaractet* 
which would result from the adoption of intemperate reso- 
lutions. His whole personal influence was excited to calm 
the prevailing a=!;itation. When the officers assembled, 
their venerable chief preparing to address them, found his 
eye-sight to fail him, on which he observed, "My eyes 
have grown dim in my country's service, but I never doubt- 
ed of its justice; and then proceeded as follows; 

"Gentlemen', 

<'By an anonymous summons, an attempt has been made 
to convene you together. How inconsistent with the rules 
of propriety, how unmilitary, and how subversive of all 
order and discipline, let the good sense of the army de- 
cide. 

"In the moment of this summons, another anonymous 
production was sent into circulation, addressed more to tlie 
feelings and passions than to the reason and judgment of 
the army. The author of the piece is entitled to much cre- 
dit for the goodneas of his pen; and I could wish he had 
as much credit for the rectitude of his heart; for, as men 
see through different optics, and are induced, by the reflec- 
ting faculties of the mind, to use different means to attain 
the same end, the author of the address should have had 
more charity than to mark for suspicion, the man who 
should recommend moderation and longer forbearance; or, 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 129 

in other words, who should not think as he thinks, and act 
as he advises. But he had another plan in view, in which 
candour and liberality of sentiment, regard to justice, and 
love of country, have no part; and he was right to insinu- 
ate the darkest suspicion, to effect the blackest design. 
That the address is drawn with great art, and is designed 
to answer the most insidious purposes; that it is calcula- 
ted to impress the mind with an idea of premeditated injus- 
tice in the sovereign power of the United States, and rouse 
all those resentments, which must unavoidably flow from 
such a belief; that the secret mover of this scheme, who- 
ever he may be, intended to take advantage of the passiong 
while they were warmed by the recollection of past dis- 
tresses, without giving time for cool, deliberate thinking, 
and that composure of mind which is so necessary to give 
dignity and stability to measures, is rendered too obvious, 
by the mode of conducting the business, to need other proof 
than a reference to the proceeding. Thus muc1i, gentle- 
men, I have thought it encumbent on me to observe to you, 
to show upon what principles I opposed the irregular and 
hasty meeting which was proposed to have been held on Tues- 
day last, and not becjiuse I wanted a disposition to give you 
every opportunity consistent with your own honour and the 
dignity of the armj, to make known your grievances. If 
my conduct heretoft*re has not evinc'ed to you, that I have 
been a faithful friend to the army, my declaration of it at 
this time would be equally unavailing and improper. But 
as I was among the first who embarked in tlie cause of our 
common country; as I have never left your side one mo- 
ment, but when called from you on public du*y; as I have 
been the constant companion and witness of your distresses, 
and not among the last to feel and acknowledge your merits;; 
as I have ever considered my own military reputation as 
inseparably connected with that of the army; as my heart 
has ever expanded with joy when I have heard its praises, 
and my indignation has arisen \vhen the mouth of detraction 
has been opened against it, it can scarcelv be supposed, at 
this late stage of the war, that I am indifferent to its inte- 
rests. . But how are they to be promoted.^^ The way is plain, 
says the anonymous addresser. If war continues, remove 
into the unsettled country; there establish yourselves, and 
leave an ungrateful country to defend itself. But who are 

L a 



ISO THE LIFE OF 

they to defend? Our whes, our children, our farms, and 
other property, which we leave behind us? Or, in this state 
of hostile separation, are we to take the two first, the latter 
cannot be removed, to perish in a wilderness, with hunger, 
cold, and nakedness? If peace takes place, never sheathe 
your swords, says he, until you have obtained full and ample 
jnstice. This dreadful alternative of either deserting our 
country in the extremest hour of her distress, or turning 
o'ir arms against it, which is the apparent object, unless 
congress can be compelled into instant compliance, has 
something so shocking in it, that humanity revolts at the 
idea. My God! what can this writer have in view, by- 
recommending such measures? Can he be a friend to the 
army? Can he be a friend to this country? Rather is he not 
an insidious foe? Soine emissary, perhaps, from New 
York, plotting the ruin of both, by sowing the seeds of dis- 
cord and separation between the civil and military powers 
of the continent? And what a compliment does he pay to 
our understandings, when he recommends measures, in 
either alternative, impracticable in their nature? But here, 
gentlemen, I will drop the curtain, because it would be as 
imprudent in me to assign my reasons for this opinion, as it 
would be insulting to your conception to suppose you stood 
in need of them. A moment's reflection will convince 
every dispassionafe mind of the physical impossibility of 
carrying either proposal' into execution. There might, 
gentlemen, be an impropriety in my taking notice in this 
address to you, of an anonymous production; but the man- 
ner in which that performance has been introduced to the 
army, the effect it was intended to have, together with some 
other circumstances, will amply justify my observations on 
the tendency of that writing. \\ ith respect to the advice 
given by the author to suspect the man who shall recom- 
mend moderate measures and longer forbearance, I spurn 
it, as every man who regiirds that liberty and reveres that 
justice for which we contend, undoubtedly must; for, 
if men are to be precluded from offering their sentiments 
on a matter which may involve the most serious and alarm- 
ing consequences that can invite the consideration of man- 
kind, reason is of no use to us. The freedom of speech 
may be taken away, and dumb and silent we may be led, 
like sheep to the slaughter. I cannot, in justice to my own 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 131 

belief, and what I have gieat reason to conceive is the in- 
tention of congress, conclude this address, without giving 
it as my decided opinion, that "that honourable body enter- 
tain exalted sentiments of the services of the army, and from 
a full conviction of its merits and sufferings, will do it com- 
plete justice; that their endeavours to discover and estab- 
lish funds for this purpose, has been unwearied, and will 
not cease till they have succeeded, I have not a doubt. But 
like all other large bodies, where there is a variety of differ- 
ent interests to reconcile, their determinations are slow. 
Why then should we distrust them? and in consequence of 
t^at distrust, adopt measures which niay cast a shade over 
^a1»glory which has been so justly acquired, and tarnish 
the reputation of an army which is celebrated through all 
Europe for its fortitude and patriotisni? And, for what is 
this done? To bring the object we seek nearer? No; most 
certainly, in \v,j o] inion, it will cast it at a greater dis- 
tance. 'For myself, and I take no merit in giving the assu- 
rance, being induced to it from principles of gratitude, ve- 
racity, and jui^tice; a grateful sense of the confidence you 
have ever placed in me; a recollection of the cheerful as- 
sistance, and prompt obe(!ience I have experienced from 
you, under every vicissitude of fortune, and the sincere 
aft'ection I feel for an army I ha^e so long had the honour 
to command, wi'l oblige me to declare in this public and 
solemn manner, that in the attainment of complete justice 
for all your toils and dangers, and in the gratification of 
every wish, so far as may be done consistently with the 
great duty 1 owe njy country, and those powers we are 
bound to respect, you may freely command my services to 
the utmost extent of my abilities. While I give you these 
assurances, and pledge myself in the most unequivocal man- 
ner to exert whatever ability I am possessed of in your fa- 
vour, let me intreat you, gentlemen, on your part, not to 
take any measure, which, viewed in the calm light of rea- 
son, will lessen the dignity and sully the glory you have 
hitherto maintained; let me request you to rely on the 
plighted faith of your country, and place a full confidence 
in the purity of the intentions of congi ess, that, previous 
to your dissolution as an army, they will cause all your ac- 
counts to be fairly liquidated, as directed in the resolutions 
which were published to you two days ago; and that thej 



132 THE LIFE OF 

will adopt the most effectual measures in their power to 
render ample justice to you, for your faithful and meritori- 
ous services. And let me conjure you, in the name of our 
common countr}^ as you value your own sacred honour; 
as you respect the rights of humanity; and as you regard 
the military and national character of America, to express 
your utmost horror and detestation of the man who wishes, 
under any specious pretences, to overturn the liberties of 
our country, and who wickedly attempts to open the flood- 
gates of civil discord, and deluge our rising empire in 
blood. 

"By thus determining, and thus acting, you will purs|^ 
the plain and direct road to the attainment of your wishes; 
you will defeat the insiduous designs of our enemies, who 
are compelled to resort from open force to secret artifice. 
You will give one more distinguished proof of unexampled 
patriotism and patient virtue, rising superiour to the pres- 
sure of the most complicated sufferings; and you will, by 
the dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity 
to say, when speaking of the glorious example you have 
exhibited to mankind, 'Had this day been wanting, tlie 
world had never seen the last stage of perfection to which 
human nature is capable of attaining." 

The address being ended, Washington withdrew. No 
person v. as hardy enough to oppose the advice he had giv- 
en.* The impression made by his address was irresisti- 
ble. The happy moment was seized. While the niinds of 
the officers, softened by the eloquence of their beloved 
commander, were in a yielding state, a resolution was offer- 
ed and adopted, in which they assured him, "-that they re- 
ciprocated his affecti(mate expressions with the greatest 
sincerity of wliich the heart was capable." Before they 
dispersed, they unanimously adopted several other resolu- 
tions, in which they declared, ''That no circumstance of 
distress or danger, should induce a conduct that might tend 

* "It wa* happy for the army and country, that when his Excel- 
lency had finished and withdrawn, no one arose and observed, 'That 
Genei-al Washing-ton was about to quit the mlUtary line, laden with 
honour, and that he had a considerable estate to support him with 
dignity, but that their case was very different.' Had such ideas been 
thrown out, and properly enlarged upon, the meeting would proba- 
bly have concluded very differently." Gordon's JHniory, vol. 4, p, 
357. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 133 

to sully tlie reputation and glory they had acquired at the 
price of their blood, and eight years faithful service; that 
they continued to have an unshaken confidence in the jus- 
tice of congress and their country; that they viewed with 
abhorrence, and rejected with disdain, the infamous propo- 
sition contained in a late anonymous address to the officers 
of the army." 

The storm, which had been long gathering, was suddenly 
dissipated. The army acquired additional reputation, and 
the commander in chief gave a new proof of the goodness 
of his heart and the soundness of his judgment. Perhaps 
in no instance did the United States receive from heaven a 
more signal deliverance througii the hands of Washington, 
than in the happy termination of this serious transaction. 
If ambition had possessed a single corner of his heart, the 
opportunity was too favourable, the tem^.tation too splendid, 
to have been resisted. But his soul was superiour to such 
views, and his love of country so ardent, and at the same 
time so pure, that the charms of power, though recom- 
mended by the imposing appearance of procuring justice 
for his unrewarded army, made no impression on his un- 
shaken mind. He viewed the character of a patriot as su- 
periour to that of a sovereign. To be elevated to supreme 
power, was less in his esteem than to be a good man. 

Instead of turning the discontents of an unpaid army to 
his own aggrandizement, he improved the late events to 
stimulate congress to do them justice. His letter to their 
President on this occasion, was as follows: 

*sSiR, 

*»The result of the proceedings of the grand convention 
of the officers, which I have the honour of enclosing to 
your excellency for the inspection of cono;ress, will, I flat- 
ter myself, be considered as the last glorious proof of pat- 
riotism which could have been given, by men wlio aspired 
to the distinction of a patriot army; and will not only con- 
firm their claim to the justice, but will increase their title 
to the gratitude of their country. Having seen the pro- 
ceedings on the part of tlie arrjy terminate with perfect 
unanimity, and in a manner entirely consonant to my wishes, 
being impressed with tie liveliest sentiments of afttction 
for those who have so long, so patiently, and so cheerfully 



134 THE LIFE OF 

suffered and fought under my immediate direction; having 
from motives of justice, duty and gratitude, spontaneously 
offered myself as an advocate for their rights: and, having 
been lequested to write to your excellency, earnestly en- 
treating the most speedy decision of congress upon the 
subjects of the late address from the army to that honour- 
able body; it now only remains for me to perform the task 
I have assumed, and to intercede in their behalf, as I now 
do, that the sovereign power will be pleased to verify the 
predictions I have pronounced of, and the confidence the 
army have reposed in, the justice of their country. And 
here I humbly conceive it is altogether unnecessary, while 
I am pleading the cause of an arujy, which have done and 
suffered more than any other arMiy ever did in the defence 
of the rights and liberties of human nature, to expatiate on 
their claims to the most ample compensation for their mer- 
itorious services, because they are known perfectly to the 
whole world, and, because, although the topics are inexhaust- 
ible, enough has already been said on the subject. To 
prove these assertions, to evince that my sentiments have 
ever been uniform,' and to show what my ideas of the re- 
wards in question have always been, I appeal to the archives 
of congress, and call on those sacred deposites to witness 
for me. And in order that my observations and arguments 
in favour of a future adequate provision for the officers of 
the army may be brought to remembrance again, and con- 
sidered in a single point of view, without giving congress 
the trouble of having recourse to their files, I will beg 
leave to transmit herewith an extract from a representation 
made by me to a committee of congress, so long ago as the 
29th of January, 1778, and also the transcript of a letter to 
the President of congress, dated near Pasaic Falls, October 
11th, 1780. 

"That in the critical and perilous moment, when the last 
mentioned communication was made, there was the utmost 
danger a dissolution of the army would have taken place, 
unless measures similar to those recommended, had been 
adopted, wiU not admit a doubt. That the adoption of the 
resolution granting half pay for life, has been attended with 
all the happy consequences I liad foretold, so far as respect- 
ed tlie good of the service, let the astonishing contrast be- 
tween the state of the army at this instant, and at the former 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 135 

period, determine. And that the establishment of funds, 
and security of the payment of all the just demands of the 
army, will be the most certain means of preserving the na- 
tional faith, and future tranquillity of this extensive conti- 
nent, is my decided opinion. 

"By the preceding remarks, it vi'ill readily be imagined, 
that instead of retracting and reprehending, from farther 
experience and reflection, the mcde of compensation so 
strenuously urged in the enclosures, I am more and more 
confirmed in the sentiment^ and if in the wrong, suffer me 
to please myself with the grateful delusion. 

"For if, beside the sim[>le payment of their wages, a 
farther compensation is not due to the sufferings and sacri- 
fices of the officers, then have I been mistaken indeed. If 
the w^hole army have not merited whatever a grateful peo- 
ple can bestow, tlien have T been beguiled by prejudice, and 
built opinion on the basis of errour. If this country should 
not in the event perform every thing which has been request- 
ed in the hite memorial to Gon'j:ress, then will my belief 
become vain, and the hope that has been excited, void of 
foundation. And if, as has been suggested for the purpose 
of inflaming their passions, the officers of the army are to 
be the only sufferers by this revolution; *if retiring from 
the field they are to grow old in poverty, wretchedness and 
contempt; if they are to wade through the vile mire of 
dependency, and owe the miserable remnant of that life to 
charity, which had hitherto been spent in honour;' then 
shall I have learned what ingratitude is; then shall I have 
realized a tale which will embitter every moment of my fu- 
ture life. 

"But I am under no such apprehensions; a country res- 
cued by their arms from impending ruin, will never leave 
unpaid the debt of gratitude. 

''Should any intemperate or improper warmth have min- 
gled itself atnongst the foregoing observations, I must en- 
treat youc excellency and congress, it may be attributed 
to the effusion of an honest zeal in the best of causes, and 
that my peculiar situation may be my apology; and I hope 
I need not on this momentous occasion make any new pro- 
testations of personal disinterestedness, having ever re- 
nounced for myself the idea of pecuniary reward. The 
consciousness of having attempted faithfully to discharge 



136 THE LIFE OF 

mjduty, and the approbation of my country, will be a sut* 
Ificient recompense for my services. 

'*! have the honour to be,&c. &c. 

GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
<'His Excellency the President in congress." 

This energetic letter, connected with recent events, in- 
duced congress to decide on the claims of the army. These 
were liquidated, and the amount acknowledged to be due 
from the United States. 

Soon after these events, intelligence of a general peace 
was received. Tlie reduction of the army was therefore 
resolved upon, but the mode of effecting it required delib- 
eration. To avoid the inconveniences of dismissing a 
great number of soldiers in a bodjs furloughs were freely 
granted on the application of individuals, and after their 
dispersion, they were not enjoined to return. By this ar- 
rangement, a critical moment was got over. A great part 
of an unpaid army was dispersed over the states without 
tumult or disorder. 

While the veterans serving under the immediate eye of 
their beloved commander in chief, manifested the utmost 
good temper and conduct, a mutinous disposition broke out 
among some new levies stationed at Lancaster, in Penn- 
sylvania. About eighty of this description marched in a 
body to Philadelphia, where they were joined by some other 
troops, so as to amount in the whole to three hundred. — 
They marched with fixed bayonets to the state house, in 
which congress and the state executive council held their 
sessions. They placed guards at ever>' door, and threaten- 
ed the president and council of the state with letting loose 
an enraged soldiery upon them, unless they granted their 
demands in twenty minutes. As soon as this outrage was 
known to Washington, he detached Gen. Howe with a compe- 
tent force to suppress the mutiny. This was effected without 
bloodshed before his arrival. The mutineers were too in- 
considerable to commit extensive mischief; but their dis- 
graceful conduct excited the greatest indignation in the 
breast of the commander in chief, which was expressed 
in a letter to tlie president of congress in the following 
words: "While I suffer the most poignant distress in ob- 
serving that a handful of men, contemptible iu numbers, 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 137 

and equally so in point of service, if the veteran troops 
from the southward have not been seduced bj their exam- 
ple, and who are not worthy to be called soldiers, should 
disgrace tliemselves and their country as the Pennsylvania 
mutineers have done, by insulting the sovereign authority 
of the United States, and that of their own, I feel an inex- 
pressible satisfaction that even this behaviour cannot stain 
the name of the American soldiery. It cannot be imputa- 
ble to, or reflect dishonour on, the army at large; but on 
the contrary, it will, by the striking contrast it exhibits, 
hold up to public view the other troops in the most advan- 
tageous point of light. Upon taking all the circumstances 
into consideration, I cannot sufficiently express my sur- 
prise and indignation at the arrogance, the folly, and the 
•wickedness, of the mutineers; nor can I sufficiently ad- 
mire the fidelity, the bravery, and patriotism, which must 
forever signalize the unsullied character of the other corps 
of our army. For when we consider that these Pennsylva- 
nia levies who have now mutinied are recruits and soldiers 
of a day, who have not borne the heat and burden of the 
war, and who can have in reality very few hardships to 
<:omplain of; and when we at the same time recollect that 
those soldiers who have lately been furloughed from this 
army, are the veterans who have patiently endured hunger, 
nakedness, and cold; who have suffered and bled without 
a murmur, and who, with perfect good order, have retired 
to their homes without a settlement of their accounts or a 
farthing of money in their pockets; we shall be as much 
astonished at the virtues of the latter, as we are struck 
with detestation at the proceedings of the former." 

While arrangements were making for the final dismis- 
sion of the army, Gen. Washington was looking forward 
with anxiety to the future destinies of the United States. 
Much of his attention was devoted to a serious considera- 
tion of such establishments as the independence of his 
country required. On these subjects he freely communi- 
cated with congress, and recommended that great diligence 
should be used in forming a well regulated and disciplined 
militia during peace, as the best means for securing the fu- 
ture tranquillity and respectability of the nation. He also 
addressed the following circular letter to the governors of 
each of the states. 

M 



138 THE LIFE OF 

HEADQUARTERS, Newburg, June 18, 1788, 

"SIR, 

"The object for which I had the honour to hold an ap- 
pointmentin the service of mj country being nccomplished, 
1 am now preparing to resign it into the hands of congress, 
and return to that domestic retirement, which, it is well 
known, I left with the greatest reluctance; a retirement for 
which I have never ceased to sigh through a long and pain- 
ful absence, in which, remote from the noise and trouble of 
the world, t meditate to passtheremainderof life, inastate 
of undisturbed repose; but, before I carry this resolution 
into effect, I think it a duty incumbent on me to make this 
my last official communication, to congratulate you on the 
glorious events which heaven has been pleased to produce 
in our favour; to offer my sentiments respecting some ^im- 
portant subjects, which appear to me to be intimately con- 
nected with the tranquillity of the United States; to take 
my leave of your excellency as a public character; and to 
give my final blessings to that country, in whose service I 
have spent the prime of my life; for whose sake I have 
consumed so many anxious days and watchful nights, and 
whose happiness, being extremely dear to me, will always 
constitute no inconsiderable part of my own. 

"Impressed with the liveliest sensibility on this pleasing 
occasion, I will claim the indulgence of dilating the more 
copiously on the subject of our mutual felicitation. When 
we consider the magnitude of the prize we contended for, 
the doubtful nature of the contest, and the favourable man- 
ner in which it has terminated, we shall find the greatest 
possible reason for gratitude and rejoicing. This is a theme 
that will afford infinite delight to every benevolent and lib- 
eral mind, whether the event in conteqjplation be con- 
sidered as a source of present enjoyment, or the parent of 
future happiness; and we shall have equal occasion to felic- 
itate ourselves on the lot which providence has assigned us, 
whether we view it in a natural, a political, or moral point 
of light. 

"The citizens of America- placed in the most enviable 
condition, as the sole lords and proprietors of a vast track of 
continent, comprehending all the various soils and climates 
of the world, and abounding with all the necessaries and 
conveniences of liie, are now, by the.late satisfactory pacifi- 



OEORGE WASHINGTON. 139 

cation, acknowledged to be possessed of absolute freedom 
and independency; they are from this period to be consid- 
ered as the actors on a most conspicuous theatre, which 
seems to be peculiarly designed by providence for the dis- 
play of human greatness and felicity. Here they are not 
only surrounded with every thing that can contribute to the 
completion of private and domestic enjoyment; but heaven 
has crowned all its other blessings, by giving a surer op- 
portunity fur political happiness, than any other nation has 
ever been favoured with. Nothing can illustrate these ob- 
servations more forcibly than a recollection of the happy 
conjuncture of times and cii cumstances, under which our 
republic assumed its r^' 1: among the nations. The founda- 
tion of our empiie was not laid in a gloomy age of ignorance 
and superstition, but at an epocha when the rights of man- 
kind were better understood and more clearly defined, than 
at any former period. Researches of the human mind after 
social happiness have been carried to a great extent; the 
treasures of knowledge acquired by the labours of philoso- 
phers, sages, and legislators, through a long si^cession 
of years, are laid open for us., and their collected wisdom 
may be happily applied in the establishment of our forms of 
government. The free cultivation of letters, the unbound- 
ed extension of commerce, the progressive refinement of 
manners, the growing liberality of sentiment; and, above 
all, the pure and benign light of revelation, have had ame- 
liorating influence on mankind, and increased the bless- 
ings of society. At this auspicious period, the United 
States came into existence as a nation; and if their citizens 
should not be completely free and happy, the fault will be 
entirely their own. 

'•Such is our situation, and such are our prospects. But 
notwithstanding the cup of blessing is thus reached out to 
us; notwithstanding happiness is ours, if we have a dis- 
position to seize tbe occasion, and make it our own; yet it 
appears to me there is an option still left to the United 
States of America, whether they will be respectable and 
prosperous, or contemptible and miserable as a nation. 
This is the time of their political probation; this is the mo- 
ment when the eyes of the whole world are turned upon 
them; this is the time to establish or ruin their national 
character for ever; this is the favourable moment to give 
such a tone to the federsil government, as will enable it to 



140 THE LIFE OF 

'answer the entls of its institution; or, this may be the ill 
fated moment for relaxing the powers of the union, annihi- 
lating the cement of the confederation, and exposing us to 
become the sport of European politics, which may play one 
state against another, to prevent their growing importance, 
and to serve their own interested purposes; For, accord- 
ing to the system of policy the state shall adopt atthls mo- 
ment, they will stand or fall; and, by their confirmation or 
lapse, it is yet to be decided, whether the revolution must 
ultimately be considered as a blessing or a curse; a bless- 
ing or a curse, not to the present' age alone, for with our< 
fate will the destiny of unborn millions be involved. * ^* 

"With this conviction of the importance of the present- 
crisis, silence in me would be a crime; I will therefore 
speak to your excellency the language of freedom and sin- 
cerity, without disgjiise. I am aware, however, those who 
differ from me in political sentiments may, perhaps, remark, 
I am stepping out of the proper line of my duty; and they 
may possibly ascribe to arrogance or ostentation, what I 
know i« alone the result of the purest intention. But the 
rectitude of my own heart, which disdains such unworthy 
motives; the part 1 have hitherto acted in life; the deter- 
mination I have formed of not taking any share in public 
business hereafter; the ardent desire I feel, and shall conti- 
nue to manifest, of quietly enjoying in private life, after all 
the toils of war, the benefits of a wise and liberal govern- 
ment, will, I Hatter myself, sooner or later, convince my 
countrymen that I could have no sinister views in delivering 
with so little reserve the opinions contained in this address. 

"There are four things which I humbly conceive are es- 
sential to the well being, I may even venture to say to the 
existence, of the United States as an independent power. 

"1st. An indissoluble union of the states under one fed- 
eral head. 

"2dly. A sacred regard to public ju&^ice. 

"3dly. The adoption of a proper peace establishment. 
And, 

"4thly. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly dis- 
position among the people of tlie United States, which will 
induce them to forget their local prejudices at-d policies; to 
make those mutual concessions which aie requisite to the 
general prosperity; and, in some instances, to sacrifice their 
individual advantages to the interest of the community. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 141 

"These are the pillars on which the glorious fabric of our 
independency anil national character must be supported. 
Liberty is the basis; and whoever-would dare to sap the 
foundation,* ©^'Overturn the structure, under whatever spe- 
cious prete:Ct he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest ex- 
ecration, and the severest punishment, which can be in- 
flicted by his injured country. 

"On the three first articles I will make a few observa- 
tions; leaving the last to the good sense and serious consid- 
eration of those immediately concerned. 
/•**^Ufider tl^e fi^t head, althotigh it may not be necessary 
dp propeV for me in this plpce to enter into a particular dis- 
quisition of the principles of tke union,, and to take up the 
great^-qui^ion* which has been fr.^qujently agitated, whether 
it be exp^dTent and requisite for the -^states to delegate a 
larger proportion of power to congressy'or not; yet it will 
be a part of my duty, and that of every true patriot, to as- 
sert, without reserve, and to insist upon the following po- 
sitions. That unless the states wilj suffer congress to ex- 
ercise those prerogatives tliey areuridoubteily invested with 
by tlie ©onstittttion, every^tbing must very rapidly tend to 
anarchy and confusion; that it is indispensible to the hap- 
piness of the individual states, that there should be lodged, 
so|ne where, a supreme power to regulate and govern the 
general concerns of the confederated republic, without 
which the union cannot be of long duration; that there 
must be a faithful aijijd* pointed compliance on the part of 
every state with the Meproposals and demands of congress, 
or the most fatal consequences will ensue; that whatever 
measures have a tentoicy'to dissolve the union, or contri- 
bute to violate or lessen the sovereign authority, ought to 
be considered as hostile to the liberty and independency of 
Ainierica, and the authors of them treated accordingly. And 
lastly, that unless we can be enabled by the concurrence of 
the states to participate of the fruits of the revolution, and 
enjoy the essential- benefits of civil society, under a form of 
government s'ofr-ee'and uncorrupted, so happily guarded 
against the danger, of-oppression, as has been devis-Gd and 
adopted by the articles of confederation, it wilh-be'a subject 
of regret, that so much blood and treasure have been lavish- 
ed for no purpose, that so many sufferings ha\e been en- 
countered without a compensation, and that so many sacri- 
fices have been made in vain. Many other considerations 
M 2 



142 TttE LIFE OF 

might here be adduced to prove, that without an entire 
conformity to the spirit of the union, we cannot exist as an 
independent power. It will be sufficient for my purpose to 
mention but one or two, which seem to me of the greatest 
importance. It is only in our united character, as an em- 
pire, that our independence is acknowledged, that our pow- 
er can be regarded, or our credit supported among foreign 
nations. The treaties of the European powers with the 
United States of America, will have no validity on a disso- 
lution of the union. We shall be left nearly in a state of 
nature; or we may find, by our own unhaf^py experience, 
that there is a natural and necessary progression from the 
extreme of anarchy to the extreme of tyranny; and that ar- 
bitrary power is most easily established on the ruins of lib- 
erty abused to licentiousness. 

"As to the second article, which respects the perform- 
ance of public justice, congress have, in their late address 
to the United States, almost exhausted the subject; they 
have explained their ideas so fully, and have enforced the 
obligations the states are under to rencier complete justice 
to all the public creditors, with so much dignity and.energy, 
that, in my opinion, no real friend to the honour and inde- 
pendency of America can hesitate a si/igle moment respect- 
ing the propriety of complying with the just and honoura- 
ble measures propose* . If their arguments do not produce 
conviction, I know of nothing that will have greater influ- 
ence, especially when we reflect that the system referred 
to, being the result of the collected wisdom of the continent, 
must be esteemed, if not perfect, certainly the least objec- 
tionable of any that could be devised; and that, if it should 
not be carried into immediate execution, a national bank- 
ruptcy, with all its deplorable consequences, will take place 
beforeany different plan can possibly be proposed or adopt- 
ed; so pressing are the present circumstances, and such is 
the alternative now offered to the states. 

"The ability of the country to discharge the debts which 
have been incurred in its defence, is not to be doubted; and 
inclination, I flatter myself, will not be wanting. The path 
of our duty is plain before us; honesty will be found, on 
every experiment, to be the best and only true policy. Let 
us tlien, as a nation, be just; let us fulfil the public con- 
tracts which congress had undoubtedly a right to make for 
the purpose of carrying on the war, with the same good 



sGEORGE WASHINGTON. 143 

faith we suppose ourselves bound to perforin our private 
engagements. In the mean time, let an attention to tlie 
cheerful performance of their proper business, as individu- 
als, and as members of society, be earnestly inculcated on 
the citizens of America; tiien will they strengthen tlie 
bands of government, and be happy under its protection. 
Every one will reap the fruit of his labours; every one will 
enjoy his own acquisitions, without molestation and without 
danger. 

"In this state of absolute freedom and perfect security, 
who will grudge to yield a very little of his property to 
support the «immon interests of society, and ensure the 
protection of government? Who does not remember the 
frequent declarations at the commencement of the war, 
that we should be completely satisfied, if, at the expense of 
one half, we could defend the remainder of our possessions? 
Where is the man to be found, who wishes to renjain in 
debt, for the defence of his own person and property, to the 
exertions, the bravery, and the blood of others, without 
making one generous eflbrt to pay the debt of honour and 
of gratitude? In what part of the continent shall we find 
any man, or body of men, who would not blush to stand up 
and propose measures purposely calculated to rob the sold- 
ier of his stipend, and the public creditor of his due? And 
were it possible tliat such a flagrant instance of injustice 
could ever happen, would it not excite the general indig- 
nation, and tend to bring down upon the authors of such 
measures the aggravated vengeance of heaveri? If, after 
all, a spirit of disunion, or a temper of obstinacy and per- 
verseness should manifest itself in any of the states; if 
such an ungracious disposition should attempt to frustrate 
all the happy effects that might be expected to flow from 
-the union; if there should be a refusal to comply with re- 
quisitions for funds to discharge the annual interest of the 
public debts; and if that refusal should revive all those 
jealousies, and produce all those evils, which are now hap- 
pily removed, congress, who have in all their transactions 
shown a great degree of magnanimity and justice, will 
stand justified in the sight of God and man! and that state 
alone, which puts itself in opposition to the aggregate wis- 
dom of the continent, and follows such mistaken and per- 
nicious councils, will be responsible Cor all the coHse- 
<iuences. 



144 THE LIFE OF 

"For my own part, conscious of having acted, while a 
servant of the public, in the manner 1 conceived best suit- 
ed to promote the real interests of my country; having in 
consequence of my fixed belief, in some measure pledged 
myself to the army , that their country would finally do them 
complete and ample justice; &nd not wishing to conceal 
any instance of my official conduct from the eyes of the 
\^ orld, I have thought proper to transmit to your excellency 
the enclosed collection of papers, relative to the half pay 
and commutation granted by congress, to the officers 
of the army. From these communications my decided 
sentiment will be clearly comprehended, together with 
the conclusive reasons which induced me, at an early 
period, to recommend the adoption of this measure in the 
most earnest and serious manner. As the proceedings of 
congress, the army, and myself, are open to all, and con- 
tain, in my opinion, sufficient information to remove the 
prejudices and errors which may have been entertained by 
any, I think it unnecessary to say any thing more than just 
to observe, that the resolutions of congress, now alluded 
to, are as undoubtedly and absolutely binding upon the 
United States, as the most solemn acts of confederation or 
legislation. 

"As to the idea which, I am informed, has in some in- 
stances prevailed, that the half pay and commutation are to 
be reganled merely in the odious light of a pension, it 
ought to be exploded for ever; that provision should be 
viewed, as it really was, a reasonable compensation ottered 
by congress, at a time when they had nothing else to give 
to officers of the army, for services then to be performed. 
It was the only means to prevent a total dereliction of the 
service. It was a part of their hire; f may be allowed to 
say, it was the price of their blood, and of your independen- 
cy. It is, therefore, more than a common debt; it is a debt 
of honour; it can never be considered as a pension, or gra- 
tuity, nor cancelled until it is fairly discharged. 

"With regard to the distiiiction between officers and sold- 
iers, it is sufficient that the uniform experience of every 
nation of the world combined with our own, proves the 
utility and propriety of the discrimination. Rewards in 
proportion to the aid the public draws from them, are un- 
questionably due to all its servants. In some lines, the sold- 
iers have, perhaps, generally, had an ample compensation 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 145 

tor their services, by the large bounties which have been 
paid them, as their officers will receive in the proposed 
commutation; in others, if, beside the donation of land, the 
payment of arrearages of clothing and wages, in which ar- 
ticles all the component parts of the army must be put up- 
on the same footing, we take into the estimate the bounties 
many of the soldiers have received, and the gratuity of one 
year's full pay, which is promised to all, possibly their sit- 
uation, tvevy circumstance being duly considered, will not 
be deemed less eligible than that of the officers. Should 
a farther reward, however, be judged equitable, I will ven- 
ture to assert, no man will enjoy greater satisfaction than 
myself, in an exemption from taxes for a limited time, 
wliich has been petitioned for in some instances, or any 
, other adequate immunity or compensation granted to the 
brave defenders of their country's cause. But neither the 
adoption or rejection of this proposition will, in any man- 
ner, effect, much less militate against, the act of congress, 
by whicli they have offered five years full pay, in lieu of the 
half pay for life, which had been before promised to the 
-Oiiicei's of the army. 

^•Before [ conclude the subject on public justice, I can- 
; not omit to mention the obligations this country is under to 
' that meritorious class of veterans, the non-commissioned 
, officers and privates, who have been discharged for inabili- 
I iy, in consequence of the resolution of congress, of the 23d 
I of April, 1782, on an annual pension for life. Their pecu- 
liar sufferings, their singular merits and claims to that pro- 
I vision, uead only to be kn.iwn, to interest the feelings of 
humanity in their behalf. Nothing buta punctual payment 
of tlieir annual allowance, can rescue them from the most 
complicated niisery; and notlung could be a more melancho- 
ly and distressing sight, than to behold those who have shed 
their blood, or lost their limbs in the service of their coun- 
ti-y, vvitliout a shelter, without a friend, and without the 
means of obtaining any of the comforts or necessaries of 
life, compelleil to beg their bread daily from door to door. 
Suffer me to recommend those of this description belong- 
ing to your state, to the warmest patronage of your excel- 
iency and your legislature. 

*'It is necessat v to say but a few words on the third topic 
which was proposed, and which regards particularly the de- 
fence of the republic; as there can be little doubt but 



146 THE LIFE OF 

congress will recommend a proper peace establishment for 
the United States, in whicli a due attention will be paid to 
the imfK)rtance of piacino- tlie nnlitia of the union upon a 
regular and respectable footing. If this should be the case, 
1 should beg le^ve to urge the great advantage of it in the 
strongest terms. 

•'The militia of this country must be considered as the pal- 
ladium of our security, and the first effectual resort in case 
of hostility. It is essential, therefore, that the saine system 
should pervade tlie whole; that the formation and discipline 
of the militia of the continent should be absolutely unifo^rm; 
and that the same species of arms, accoutrements, and nu- 
litary appaiatus, should be introduced in every part of tlie 
United States. No one, who has not learned it fiom ex- 
perience, can conceive the difficulty, expense, and confu- 
sion, which result fiom a contrary system, or the vague ar- 
rangements wiiich have hitherto prevailed. 

'*lf, in treating of political points, a greater latitude than 
usual has been taken in the course of the address, the 
importance of the crisis, and the magnitude of the objects 
in discussion, must be m.j ipohigy. it is, however, neither 
my wish tior expectation, that the preceding observations 
should claim any regard, except so far as they shall appear 
to be dictated by a good intention, consonant to the immu- 
table rules of justice; calculated to produce a liberal sys- 
tem of policy, and founded on whatever experience may 
have been acquired, by a long and close attention to public 
business. Here I might speak with more confidence, from 
my actual observations; and if it would not swell this let- 
ter, already too prolix, beyond the bounds I had prescribed 
myself, 1 could demonstrate to every mind, open to convic-^ 
tion, that in less time, and with much less expense than has 
been incurred, the war might have been -brought to the same 
happy conclusion, if the resources of the continent could 
have been properly called fortli; that the distresses and 
disappointments which have very often occurred, have, in 
too many instances, resulted more from a want of energy in 
the continental government, than a deficiency of means in 
the particular states; that the ineffic'acy of the nieasures, 
arising from the want of an adequate^ authority in the su- 
preme power, from a partial compliance with the requisi- 
tions of congress, in some of the states, and from a failure 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 147 

of punctuality in others, while they tended to damp the 
zeal of those who were more willing to exert themselves, 
served also to accumulate the expenses of the war, and to 
frustrate the best concerted plans; and that the discourage- 
ment occasioned by the complicated difficulties and embar- 
rassments, in which our affairs were by this means involv- 
ed, would have long ago produced the dissolution of any 
army, less patient, less virtuous, and less persevering, than 
that which I have had the honour to command. But while 
I mention those things which are notorious facts, as the de- 
fects of our federal constitution, particularly in the prose- 
cution of a war, I beg it may be understood, that as I have 
ever taken a pleasure in gratefully 'acknowledging the as- 
sistance and support I have derived from every class of 
citizens; so shall 1 always be happy to do justice to the un- 
paralleled exertions of the individual states, on many inter- 
esting occasions. 

"I have thus freely disclosed what I wished to make 
known, before I surrendered up my public trust to those 
who committed it to me. The task is now accomplished; 
I now bid adieu to your excellency, as the chief magistrate 
of your state; at the same time, I bid a last farewell to the 
cares of office, and all the employments of public life. 

"It remains, then, to be my final and only request, that 
your excellency will communicate these sentiments to your 
legislature, at their next meeting; and that they may be 
considered as the legacy of one who has ardently wished, 
on all occasions, to be useful to his country, and who, even 
in the shade of retirement, will not fail to implore the di- 
vine benediction upon it. 

"I now make it my earnest prayer, that God would have 
you, and the state over which you preside, in his holy pro- 
tection; that he would incline the hearts of the citizens to 
cultivate a spirit of subordination and obedience to govern- 
j ment; to i^ntertain a brotherly affection and love for one 
another; for their fellow-citizens of the United States 
at large, and particularly for their brethren who have serv- 
ed in the field; and, finally, that he would most graciously 
be pleased to dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy, 
( and to demean ourselves with that charity, humility and 
pacific temper of the mind, which were the characteristics 
of the divine author of our blessed religion; without an 



148 THE LIFE OP 

humble imitation of whose example, in these things, \vt 
can never hope to be a happy nation, 
«l have the honour to be, 

^'*with much esteem and respect, 

"Sir, your excellency's most obedient, 
"and most humble servant, 

"GEO: WASHINGTON.'- 

The second of November was fixed for disc>.arging that 
part of the army which was engaged to serve during the 
war. On that day, general Washington issued hi« farewell 
orders to the armies of the United States in the most en- 
dearing language. After giving them his advice respect- 
ing their future conduct, and imploring the choicest of liea- 
ven's blessings in their favour, he bade them an affection- 
ate farewell* 

On the 25(h of the same month, the British evacuated 
New York, and general Washington made his public entry 
into it, where he was received with every mark of respect 
and attention.. 

The hour now approached in which it became necessary 
for the American chief to take leave of his oiHcers who had 
been endeared to him by a long series of common suffer- 
ings and dangers. This was done in a sokmn manner. 
The officers having previously assembled for the purpose, 
general Washin^iton joined them, and calling for a glass 
of wine, thus addressed them; "With an heart full of love 
and gratitude, I now take lea- e of you. I most devoutly 
wish that your latter «lays may be as prosperous and happy 
as your ftrmer ones have been glorious and honouraide.'* 
Havina; drank, he added. "I cannot come to each of vou, to 
take my leave, but shall be oblio-ed to you, if each of yon 
will come and take me by the hand." General Knox being 
next, he turned to hira. Incapable of utterance. Washing- 
ton grasped his hand and embraced him. T!ie officers 
came up successively, and he took an affectionate leave of 
each of them. Not' a woi'^. was articulated on either side. 
A majectic silence prevailed. The tear of sensibility glis- 
tened in every eye. The tenderness of the scene exceeded 
all desciiptio'n. When the last of the officers had taken 
his leave, Washington left the room and passed through 

*F(» this address; see Appendix. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 149 

the corps of light infantry, to the place of embarkation. 
The officers followed in a solemn, mute procession, with de- 
jected countenances. On his entering the barge to cross 
the North river, he turned toward the companions of his 
glory, and by waving his hat, bid them a silent adieu. Some 
of them answered this last signal of respect and aftectiori 
with tears; and all of them hung upon the barge which 
convej'ed him from their sight, till they could no longer 
distinguish in it the person of their beloved commander in 
chief. 

The army being di banded, Washington proceeded to 
Annapolis, then the seat of congress, to resign his commis- 
sion. On his way thither, he, of his own accord, delivered 
to the comptroller of accounts in Philadeluhia. an account 
of the expenditure of all the public mone}' he had ever re- 
ceived. This was in his own hand writing, and every entry 
was made in a very particular manner. Vouchers were 
produced for every item except for seci et intelligence, and 
service, which amounted to no more than 1.982/. 10s. ster- 
ling. The whole which in the course of eight years of war, 
had passed through his hands, amounting only to 14.479Z. 
18s. 9d. sterling. Nothing was charged or retained for 
personal services; and actual disbursements had been man- 
'aged with such economy and fidelity, that they were all 
covered by the ajove moderate sum. 

After accounting for all his exf.enditures of public mon- 
ey, secret service money for obvious reasons excepted, 
I witii all the exactness which established forms required 
from theinfeiiour officers of his army, he hastened to resign 
into the hands of the fathers of Ids country, the powers 
, with which they had invested him. This was done in a 
I public audience. Congress received him as the founder 
\ and guardian of the republic. While he appeared before 
the\n, they silently retraced the scenes of danger and dis- 
: tress through which they had passed to;);ether. They re- 
called to mind the blessings of freedom and peace purchas- 
ed by his arm. They gazed with wonder on their fellow- 
i citizen, who appeared more great and worthy of esteem 
[, in resigning his power, than he had done in gloriously us- 
ing it. Every heart was big with emotion. Teais of ad- 
miration and gratitude burst from every eye. The <^eneral 
sympathy was felt by the t esigning hero, and wet his cheek 
with a manly tear. After a decent pause, he addressed 
N 

li 



150 THE LIFE OF 

Thomas Mifflin, the President of congress, in the follow- 
ing words. 

«MR. PRESIDENT, 

''The great events on which my resignation depended, 
having at length taken place, I have now the honour of ofter- 
ing my sincere congratulations to congress, and of pre- 
senting myself before them to surrender into their hands 
the trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of 
retiring from the service of my country. 

"Happy in the confirmation of our independence and 
sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the 
United States of becoming a respectable nation, I resign 
with satisfaction the appointment I accepted with diffidence; 
a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, 
which, however, was superseded by a confidence in the rec- 
titude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of 
the union, and the patronage of heaven. 

''The successful termination of the war has verified the 
most sanguine expectations; and my gratitude for the in- 
terposition of Providence, and the assistance I have receiv- 
ed from my countrymen, increases with every review of 
the momentous contest. 

"While I repeat my obligations to the army in general, 
I should do injustice to my own feelings, not to acknowl- 
edge in this place, the peculiar services and distinguished 
merits of the persons who have been attached to my per- 
son during the war. It was impossible the choice of confi- 
dential officers to compose my family, should have been 
more fortunate. Permit me, sir, to recommend in partic- 
lar, those who have continued in the service to the pres- 
ent moment, as worthy of the favourable notice and patron- 
age of congress. 

"I consider it as an indispensible duty to close this last 
solemn act of my official life, by commending the interests 
of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty God, 
and those who have the superintendance of them to his holy 
keeping. 

"Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire 
from the great theatre of action; and, bidding an affection- 
ate farewell to this august body, under whose orders I have 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 151 

long acted, I here offer my commission, and take mj leave 
of ail the employments of public life."* 

* The commission now returned to Congress, had been received 
"~*-from them shortly after the commencement oi'hostihties. It was ac- 
companied with an unanimous resokition of the deleg-ates of the-Uni- 
ted Colonies, "That they would maintain, assist, and adhere to 
George Washington, with their lives and fortunes, in the cause of 
American liberty." The commission, drawn by a special committee, 
was in the following words: 

"The delegates of the United Colonies of New Hampshire, Mas- 
sachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jer- 
sey, Pennsylvania, the counties of New Castle, Kent, and Sussex, ou 
Delaware; Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, 

«T0 GEORGE WASHINGTON, ESQ. 

''We, reposing special trust and confidence in your patriotism, va- 
! lour, conduct, and fidelity, do by these presents constitute and ap- 
point you to be General, and Commander in Chief of the army of 
the United Colonies, and of all the forces now raised or to be raised 
by them, and of all others who shall voluntarily offer their service 
j and join tTie said army, for the defence of American liberty, and for 
repelling every hostile invasion thereof; and you are hereby vested 
j with full power and authoi'ity, to act as you shall think for the good 
and welfare of the service. 

*<And we do hereby strictly charge and require all officers and sold- 
iers under your command, to be obedient to your orders, and dili- 
gent in the exercise of their several duties, 

"And we do also enjoin and require you to be careful in exercising 
the great trust reposed in you, by causing strict discipline and'or- 
j der to be observed in the army, and Uiat the soldiers be didy exercis- 
ed and provided v;ith all convenient necessaries. 

"And you are to regulate your conduct in every respect by the 
rules and discipline of war, as herewith given you, and punctually to 
observe and follow such orders and directions from time to time, as 
you shall receive from this, or a future Congress of these United Col- 
onies, or committee of Congress. 

"This commission to continue in force, until revoked by this, or a 
futiire Congress. 

(Signed) "PEYTON RANDOLPH, President. 
(Attest) "CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary. 

"June 17th, 1775.'* 

At the time this commission was accepted, the United Colonies 
had no assurance of foreign assistance, and were without estabHshed 
government, arms, magazines, forts, money, trade, navy, disciplined 
troops, or experienced officers. 



T^52 THE LIFE OF 

This address being ended, Gen. Washington advanced 
and delivered his commission into the hands of the Presi- 
dent of congress, who replied as follows: 

"The United States in Congress assembled, receive with 
emotions too affecting for utterance, the solemn resignation 
of the authorities under which you have led their troops 
with success, through a perilous and doubtful war. 

^'Called U'jon by your country to defend its invaded 
rights, you accepted the sacred charge before it had form- 
ed alliances, and whilst it was without friends or a govern- 
m-ent to support you. 

"You have conducted the great military contest with 
wisdom and fortitude, invariably regarding the rights of 
the civil power through all disasters and changes. You 
have by the love and confidence of your fellow-citizens, en- 
abled them to display their martial genius, and transmit 
their fame to posterity; you have persevered till these 
United States, aided by a maganimous king and nation, 
have been enabled under a just Providence, to close the 
war in safety, freedom, and independence; on which happy 
event we sincerely join you in congratulations. 

"Having defended the standard of liberty in this new 
world; having taught a lesson useful to those who inflict, 
and to those who feel oppression, you retire from the 
great theatre of action with the blessings of your fellow- 

At the ?jme time they were denounced by their sovereign as in 
a state of rebellion, Washing-ton, by accepting- the command of their 
armies, not only subjected one of the largest estates in America to 
confiscation, but his life to execution. The diffidence he avowed on 
the occasion, was not the common cant of successful candidates for 
promotion, nor did it arise from apprehensions of personal danger; 
but was the offspring of excessive modesty. Though m illing to risk 
every thing on the contest, he really distrusted his ability to contend 
in regular war, with the experienced Generals of Britain. The 
doubts and fears which for some time kept him in suspense, at length 
yielded to a conviction of duty, and the earnest invitation of friends, 
who appreciated his talents more correctly than he did himself On 
the event of his dechning the high commission, as was for some time 
expected, it was privately resolved to confer it on general Ward, of 
Massachusetts. "^Vhat would have been the issue of the military op- 
position of America conducted by that much esteemed officer, no one 
can tell; but without invidious comparison, it may be safely affirmed, 
that it could not have been more successful than under tlie auspices 
of Washington. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 155 

citizens but the glory of your virtues will not terminate 
with your military command, it will continue to animate 
remotest ages. We feel with you our obligatinos to the ar- 
my in general, and will particularly charge ourselves with 
the interest of those confidential officers who have attend- 
ed your person to this affecting moment. 

« We join you in commending the interests of our dear- 
est country to the protection of Almighty God, beseeching 
him to dispose the hearts and minds of its citizens to improve 
the opportunity afforded them of becoming a happy and re- 
spectable nation; and ^or you we address to Him our earn- 
est prayers, that a life so beloved, may be fostered with all 
his care; that your days may be happy as they have been 
illustrious, and that he will finally give you that reward 
which this world cannot give." 

The military services of Gen. Washington which ended 
with this interesting day, were as great as ever were ren- 
dered by any man to any nation. They were at the same 
time disinterested. How dear would not a mercenary man 
have sold such toils, such dangers, and above all, such suc- 
cesses? What schemes of grandeur and of power would 
not an ambitious man have built upon the affections of the 
people and of the army,^ The gratitude of America was 
so lively, that any thing asked by her resigning chief, would 
have been readily granted. He asked nothing for himself, 
his family or relations; but indirectly solicited favours for 
the confidential officers who were attached to his person. 
These were young gentlemen without fortune, who had 
served him in the capacity of Aids de Camp. To have 
omitted the opportunity which then offered, of recommending 
them to their country's notice, would have argued a degree 
of insensibility in the breast of their friend. 1 he only- 
privilege distinguishing: him from other private citizens, 
which the retiring Washington did or would receive from 
his grateful country, was a right of sending and receiving 
letters free of postage. 

The American chief, having by his own voluntary act, 
become one of the people, hastened with ineffable delight 
to his seat at Mount Vernon, on the banks of the Potomac. 
There, in a short time, the most successful general in the 
world, became the most diligent farmer in Virginia. 

To pass suddenly from the toils of the first commission 
in the United States to the care of a farm,* to exchange the 
N 2 



154 THE LIFE OF 

instruments of war, for the implements of husbandry, and 
to become at once the patron and example of ingenious 
ao-riculture, would to most men have been a difficult task. 
But to the elevated mind of Washington, it was natural and 
delightful. From his example, let the commanders of ar- 
mies learn, that the fame which is acquired by the sword, 
without guilt or ambition, may be preserved without power 
or splendour in private life. 



CHAPTER X. 



General Washhigton, on retiring from public life, devotes himself 
to agricultural pursuits. Favours inland navigation. Declines of- 
fered emoluments from it. Urges an alteration of the fundamental 
rules of the society of the Cincinnati. Regrets the defects of the 
Federal system, and recommends a revisal of it. Is appointed a 
member of the continental convention for that purpose, which, af- 
ter hesitation, he accepts. Is chosen president thereof. Is solicit- 
ed to accept the presidency of the United States. M'^rites sundry 
letters expressive of the conflict in his mind, betv/een duty and in- 
clination. Answers applicants for offices. His reluctance to en- 
ter on public life. 

The sensations of Washington on retiring from public 
business are thus expressed. "I feel as a wearied traveller 
must do, who, after treading many a painful step with a 
heavy burden on his shoulders, is eased of the latter, hav- 
ing reached the haven to which all the former were direct- 
ed, and from his house top is looking back and tracing with 
an eagle eye, the meanders by which he escaped the quick- 
sands and mires which lay in his way, and into which none 
but the All Povverful Guide and Dispenser of human events 
could have prevented his falling. 

"I have become a private citizen on the banks of the Po- 
iowmac, and, under the shadow of my own vine and my own 
fig-tree, free from the bustle of a camp, and the busy scenes 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 155 

of public life, I am solacing myself with those tranquil en- 
joyments of which the soldier, who is ever in pursuit of 
fame; the statesman, whose watchful days and sleepless 
nights are spent in devising schemes to promote the welfare 
of his own, perhaps the ruin of other countries, as if this 
globe was insufficient for us all; and the courtier, who is 
always watching the countenance of his prince, in the hope 
of catching a graci.tus smile, can have very little concep- 
tion. I have not only retired from all public employments, 
but am retiring within myself, and shall be able to view the 
solitary walk, and tread the path? of private life with heart- 
felt satisfaction. Envious of none, 1 am determined to be 
pleased with all; and this, my dear friend, being the order 
of my march, I will move gently down the stream of life, 
unlil I sleep with my fathers." 

Agriculture, which had always been the favourite em- 
ployment of Washington, was now resumed with increas- 
ing delight. The energies of his active mind were devoted 
to this first and most useful art. No improvements in the 
' construction of farming utensils, no valuable Experiments 
I in husbandry, escaped his attention. He saw with regret 
I the miserable system of cultivation which prevailed toogen- 
( erally in his native country, and wished to introduce a bet- 
ter. With this view, he engaged in a' correspondence with 
some of the distinguished agriculturists in Great Britain, 
particularly the celebrated Arthur Young. He traced the 
different states of agriculture in the two countries, in a 
great degree to the following obvious principles. In Great 
Britain, land was dear, and labour cheap. In America the 
reverse took place to such a degree, that manuring land 
was comparatively neglected, on the mistaken, short-sighted 
idea, that it was cheaper to clear and cultivate new fields, 
than to improve and repair such as were old. To this radi- 
cal error, which led to idleness and a vagabond dispersed 
population, he opposed the whole weight of his influence. 
His example and recommendations tended to revolutionize 
the agriculture of his country, as his valour had I'evolution- 
ized its government. 

The extension of inland navigation occupied much of 
Washington's attention, at this period of exemption from 
public cares. Soon after peace was proclaimed, he made 
a tour as far west as Pittsburgh, and also traversed the 
western parts of New England and New York, and examin- 



15S THE LIFE OF 

cd for himself the difficulties of bringing the trade of the 
west to different points on the Atlantic. Possessed of an 
accurate knowledge of the subject, he corresponded with 
the governors of different states, and oilier influential char- 
acters. To them he suggested the propriety of making by 
public authority, an appointment of commissioners of in- 
tegrity and ability, whose duty it should be, after accurate 
examination, to ascertain the nearest and best portages be- 
tween such of the eastern and western rivers as headed 
near to each other, though they ran in opposite directions; 
and also to trace the rivers west of the Ohio, to their sour- 
ces and mouths, as they respectively emptied either into 
the Ohio, or the lakes of Canada, and to make an accurate 
map of the whole, with observations on the impediments to 
be overcome, and the advantages to be acquired on the 
completion of the work. 

The views of Washington in advocating the extension of 
inland navigation were grand and magnificent. He consid- 
ered it as an effectual mean of cementing the union of the 
states. In his letter to the governor of Virginia, he ob- 
served, "I need not remark to you, sir, that the flanks and 
rear of the United States are possessed by other powers, 
and formidable ones too; nor need I press the necessity of 
applying the cement of interest to bind all parts of the 
union together by indissoluble bonds; especially of binding 
that part of it which lies immediately west of us, to the 
middle states. For what ties, let me ask, should we have 
upon those people; how entirely unconnected with them 
shall we be, and what troubles may we not apprehend, if the 
Spaniards on their right, and Great Britain on their left, in- 
stead of thro wins: impediments in their way as they do now, 
should hold out lures for their trade and alliance.^ When 
they get strength, which will be sooner than most people 
conceive, what will be the consequence of their having 
formed close commercial connections with both or either 
of those powers.^ It needs not, in uiy opinion, the gift of 
prophecy to foretell." After stating the same thing to a 
member of congrees, he proceeds, "It may be asked, how 
we are to prevent this? Happily for us the wav is plain. 
Our imnjediate interests, as well as remote political ad- 
vantages, point to it; whilst a combination of circum- 
stances render the present time more favourable than 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. IST 

any other to accomplish it. Extend the inland navigation 
of the eastern waters; comniunicate them as near as pos- 
sible with those which run westward; open these to the 
Oiiio; open also such as extend from the Ohio toward Lake 
Erie; and we shall not only draw the produce of the west- 
ern setilers, but the peltry and fur trade of the lakes also, 
to our ports; thus adding an immense increase to our ex- 
ports, and binding those people to us by a chain which 
never can be broken " 

The Virginia legislature acted on the recommendation 
of general Washington, to the extent of Ids wishes; and 
in consequence thereof, works of the greatest utility have 
been nearly accoinplished. They went one step farther, 
\ and by a legislative act vested in him, at the expense of the 
! state, one hundred and tifty shares in tlie navigation of the 
rivers Potov^mac and Jarne^. The act for this purpose was 
introduced with the following preamble: "Whereas it is 
the desire of the representatives of this commonwealth, to 
\ embrace every suitable occasion of testifying their sense of 
( the unexampled merits of George Washington, Esq. to- 
pvard his country; and it is their wish in particular that 
I , those great works for its improvement, which, both as 
I springing from the liberty which he has been so instrumen- 
tal in establishing, and as encourajjed by his pationage, 
I will be durable monuments of his glory, may be made mon- 
uments also of the gratitude of his country. Be it enac- 
ted," &c. 

To the friend who conveyed to Washington the first in- 
teili^ience of this bill, he replied; *'lt is not easy for me to 
decide, by which ivy mind was most atlected upon the re- 
ceipt of your letter of the sixth instant, surprise or grati- 
tude. Both were greater than I had words to express. 
The attention and good wishes which the assembly have 
evidenced by their act for vesting in me one hundred and 
fifty shares in the navigation of the rivers Potowmac and 
James, is more than mere compliment. There is an un- 
equivocal and substantial meaning annexed. But believe 
me, sir, no circumstance has happened since I left the 
walks of public life, which has so much embarrassed me. 
On the one hand, I consider this act as a noble and unecjuiv- 
ocal proof of the good opinion, the affection, and dispo- 
sition of my country to serve me; and 1 should be hurt, if 
by declining the acceptance of it, my refusal should be. 



construed into disrespect or the smallest slight upon the 
generous intention of the legislature, or that an ostenta- 
tious display of disinterestedness or public virtue was the 
source of refusal. 

"On the other hand, it is really my wish to have my 
mind and my actions, which are the result of reflection, as 
free and independent as the air, that I may be more at lib- 
erty to express my sentiments, and if necessary to sug- 
gest what may occur to me under the fullest conviction, 
that although my judgment may be arraigned, there will 
be no suspicion that sinister motives had the smallest influ- 
ence in the suggestion. Not content then with the bare 
consciousness of my having, in all this navigation business, 
acted upon the clearest conviction of the political impor- 
ance of the measure, I v/ould wish that every individual 
who may hear that it was a favourite plan of mine, may 
know also that I had no other motive for promoting it than 
the advantage of which I conceived it would be productive 
to the union at large, and to this state in particular, by ce- 
menting the eastern and western territory together; at the 
same time, that it will give vigour to and increase our com- 
merce, and be a convenience to our citizens, 

"How would this matter be viewed then by the eye of 
the world, and what opinion would be formed, when it 

comes to be related that G W . n exerted 

himself to effect this work, and that G W n 

has received twenty thousand dollars, and five thousand 
pounds sterling of the public money as an interest therein? 
Would not this, if I am entitled to any merit for the part I 
have performed, and without it there is no foundation for 
the act, deprive me of the principal thing which is laudable 
in my conduct? Would it not in some respects be consid- 
ered in the same light as a pension? And would not the 
apprehensions of this induce me to offer my sentiments in 
future with the more reluctance? In a word, under what- 
ever pretence, and however customary these giatuities 
may be in other countries, should I not thenceforward be 
considered as a dependant? One moment's thought of which 
would give me more pain, than I should receive pleasure 
from the product of all the tolls, was every farthing of 
them vested in me." 

To the governor of the state, on receiving from him an offi- 
cial copy of the aforesaid act, Washington replied as follows; 



\JkSJt\JA.\'\^M~M T » ^iKJAXJlO-l V^ X VrXTi 



^'Yoiir excellency having been pleased to transmit me a 
copy of the act appropriating to my benefit certain shares 
in the companies for opening the navigation of James and 
Potowmac rivers; I take the liberty of returning to the 
general assembly, through your hands, the profound and 
grateful acknowledgements inspired by so signal a mark of 
their beneficent intentions towards me. I beg you, sir, to 
assure them that I am filled on this occasion with every 
sentiment which can flow from a heart warm with love to 
my country, sensible to every token of its approbation and 
affection, and solicitous to testify in every instance a res- 
pectful submission to its wishes. 

"With these sentiments in my bosom, I need not dwell 
on the anxiety I feel, in being obliged, in this instance, to 
decline a favour which is rendered no less flattering by the 
manner in which it is conveyed, than it is affectionate in it- 
self. In explaining this, I pass over a comparison of my 
endeavours in the public service, with the many honourable 
testimonies of approDation which have already so far over- 
rated and overpaid them; reciting one consideration only, 
which supersedes the necessity of recurring to every 
j other. 

I "When I was first called to the station with which I was 
j honoured during the late conflict for our liberties, to the 
diffidence which I had many reasons to feel in accepting 
I it, I thought it my duty to join a firm resolution to shut my 
j hand against every pecuniary recompense. To this reso- 
, lution I have invariably adhered, and from it, if I had the 
I inclination, I do not consider myself at liberty now to de- 
\ part. 

I "Whilst I repeat, therefore, my fervent acknowledg- 
< ments to the legislature for their very kind sentiments and 
intentions in my favour, and at the same time beg them to 
be persuaded, that a remembrance of this singular proof 
of their goodness toward me will never cease to cherish 
returns of the warmest affection and gratitude; I must 
pray that their act, so far as it has for its object my person- 
al emolument, may not have its effect; but if it should 
please the general assembly to permit me to turn the des- 
tination of the fund vested in me, from my private emolu- 
ment to objects of a public nature, it will be my study in 
selecting these, to prove the sincerity of my gratitude for 
the honour conferred upon me, by preferring such as may 



A xx&;4 juxAxj vrr* 



appear most subservient to the enlightened and patriotic 
views of the legislature.'' 

The wishes suggested in this letter were sanctioned by 
the legislature; and, at a subsequent time, the trust was 
executed by conveying the shares to the use of a seminary 
of learning in the viciiiity of each river. 

Near the close of the revolutionary war, the officers of 
the American army, with a view of perpetuating their 
friendships, formed themselves ifito a society, to be named 
after the famous Roman patriot, Cincinnatus. At the head 
of their society, general Washington was placed By the 
rules of their institution, the honours of the society were 
to be hereditary in their respective families, and distin- 
guished individuals might be ad t itted as honorary mem- 
bers for life. Tiiese circuiistances, tou;et!ier with the union 
of the officers of the army, gave an alarm to the commu- 
nity; several individuals of which supposed that the hered- 
itary part of the institution would be a germ of nobility. 
It was tiie usual policy of Washington to respect the opin- 
ions of the people, in ' matters indift'erent. or of small 
majinitude, though he might think them mistaken. Hav- 
ing ascertained to his own satisfaction, that a degree of 
jealousy pervaded the mass of the people, respecting the 
probable tendency of this perpetual hereditary society, he 
successfully exerted his influence to new mo' el its rules, 
by relinquishing the hereditary principle, and tfie power of 
adopting hononarj members. The result proved the wis- 
dom of the measure: for all jealousies of the society, h( nce- 
forward was done away, and the members thereof were 
received as brethren, by the most suspicious of their fel- 
low-citizens. 

When Washington, at the close of the revolutionary 
war, became a private citizen, his country confidently an- 
ticipated every possible blessing from peace, independence 
and self-government. But experience soon proved the in- 
cfficacy of existing systems for promoting national happi- 
ness, or preserving national dignity. Congress had neither 
the power nor the means of doin>i justice to public credi- 
tors, nor of enforcing the respect of foreign nations. Gold 
and silver vanished; commerce languished; property was 
depreciated; and credit expired. The lovers of liberty 
and independence began to be less sanguine in their hopes 
from the American revolution, and to fear that they had 



GEORGK VVASHINGTON. 161 

built a visionary fabric of government on the fallacious 
ideas of public virtue. For the first five or six years im- 
mediately following peace, the splendour which surrounded 
the infant states from their successful struggle in the cause 
of independence and self-government, was daily darken- 
ing. This state of things could not be indifferent to 
Washington. He was among the first to discover the 
cause, and to point out the remedy. The inefficient sup- 
port he received while commander in chief, proved the 
inefficacy of the articles of confederation, for raising and 
supporting a req.uisite military force. The experience of 
■the first years of peace, proved their total inadequacy for 
the purpose of national government. From want of vigour 
in the federal head, the United States were fast dwindling 
into separate sovereignties, unconnected by any bond of 
union, equal to public exigency. The private letters of 
Washington at this time, show his anxiety for his cowntry's 
welfare, and his wisdom in pointing out a remedy for its 
degradation. In one of them he observes, "The confed- 
eration appears to me to be little more than a shadow with- 
out the substance, andtjongress a nugatory body, their ordi- 
nances being little attended to. To me it is solecism in 
politics; indeed it is one of the most extraordinary things 
in nature, that we should confederate as a nation, and yet 
be afraid to give the rulers of that nation, who are the crea- 
tures of our own making, appointed for a limited and short 
duration, and who are amenable for every action, recallable 
at any moment, and subject to all the evils which they may 
he instrumental in producing, sufficient powers to order 
4ind direct the affairs of the same. By such policy the 
wheels of government are clogged, and our brightest pros- 
pects, and that high expectation which was entertained of 
us by the wondering world, are turned into astonishment; 
^nd fi'om the high ground on which we stood, we are de- 
scending into the vale of confusion and darkness. 

"That we have it in our power to become one of the 
most respectable nations upon earth, admits, in my humble 
opinion, of no doubt, if we would but pursue a wise, just, 
-and liberal policy toward one another, and would keep good 
fait]\ with the rest of the world. That our resources are 
ample and increasing, none can deny: but while they are 
grudgingly applied, or not applied at all, we give a vital 



X ixru j-«irii« \jr 



stab to public faith, and will sink in the eyes of Europe in- 
to contempt. 

In another, "It is one of the evils of democratic gov- 
ernments, that the people, not always seeing, and fre- 
quently misled, must often feel before they are set right. 
But evils of this nature seldom fail to work their own cure. 
It is to be lamented, nevertheless, that the remedies are so 
slow, and that those who wish to apply them seasonably, 
are not attended to before they suffer in person, in interest, 
and in reputation. I am not without hopes that matters 
will soon take a flivourable turn in the federal constitution. 
The discerning part of the community have long since seen 
the necessity of giving adequate powers to congress for na- 
tional purposes, and those of a different description mus4 
yield to it ere long." 

In a letter to Mr. Jay, General Washington observed; 
•'Your sentiments that our affairs are drawing rapaidly to a 
erisis, accord with my own. What the event will be, is 
also beyond the reach of my foresight. We have errours to 
correct; we have probably had too good an opinion uf hu- 
man nature in forming our confederation. Experience has 
taught us that men will not adopt and carry into execution, 
measures the best calculated for their own good, without 
the intervention of coercive power. I do not conceive we 
can subsist long as a nation, without lodging somewhere a 
power which will pervade the whole union in as energetic 
a manner, as the authority of the state governtiients extends 
over the several states. To be fearful of investing con- 
gress, constituted as that body is, with ample authorities for 
national purposes, appears to me the very climax of popu- 
lar absurdity and madness. Could congress exeit them 
for the detriment of the people, without injuring them- 
selves in an equal or greater proportion? Are not their 
interests inseparably connected with those of their consti- 
tuents? By the rotation of appointment, must they not min- 
gle frequently with the mass of citizens? Is it not rather 
to be apprehended, if they were possessed of the powers 
before described, that the individual members would be in- 
duced to use them on many occasions, very timidly .and in- 
efficaciously, for fear of losing their popularity and future 
election? We must take human nature as we find it; per- 
fection falls not to the share of mortals. Many are of opin- 
jun that congress have too frequently made use of the 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 163 

suppliant humble tone of requisition, in applications to the 
states, when they had a right to assert their imperial digni- 
ty, and command obedience. Be that as it may, requisi- 
tions are a perfect nullity, where thirteen sovereign, inde- 
pendent, disunited states", are in the habit of discussing, and 
refusing or complying with them at their option. Requisi- 
tions are actually little better than a jest and a bye-word 
throughout the land. If you tell the legislatures they have 
violated the tteaty of peace, and invaded the prerogatives 
of the confederacy, they will laugh in your face. What 
then is to be done.^ Things cannot go on in the same 
train forever. It is much to be feared, as you observe, that 
the better kind of people, being disgusted with these cir- 
cumstances, will have their minds prepared for any revolu- 
tion whatever. We are apt to run from one extreme into 
another. To anticipate and prevent disastrous contingen- 
ces, would be the part of wisdom and patriotism. 

"What astonishing changes are a few years capable o 
producing! I am told that even respectable cliaracters 
speaK of a monarchical form of government, without hor- 
ror. From thinking, proceeds speaking; thence to acting 
is often but a single step. But how irrevocable and tre- 
mendous! What a triumph for our enemies to verify their 
predictions! What a triumph for the advocates of despot- 
ism to find that we are incapable of governing ourselves, 
and that systems founded on the basis of equal libei ty, are 
merely ideal and fallacious! Would to God that wise mea- 
sures may be taken in time, to avert the consequences we 
have but too much reason to apprehend." "Retired as I 
am from the world, I frankly acknowledge, I cannot feel 
myself an unconcerned spectator. Yet having happily as- 
sisted in bringing the ship in port, and having been fiiirly 
discharged, it is not my business to embark again on a sea of 
troubles. 

"Nor could it be expected that my sentiments and opin- 
ions wouli) have much weight oj; the minds of my country- 
men. They have been neglectetl, though given as a last leg- 
acy, in the most solemn manner. I had then, perhaps, 
some claims to public attentions. I consider myself as hav- 
ing none at present." 

Illumination, on the subject of enlarging the powers of 
congress, was gradual. Washington, in his extensive cor- 
respondence and intercourse with the leading characters oi 



the different states, urged the necessity of a radical reform 
in the existing system of government. The business was 
at length seriously taken up, and a proposition was made 
by Virginia, for electing deputies to a general convention, 
for the sole purpose of revising the federal system of gov- 
ernment. 

While this proposition was under consideration, an event 
took place* which pointed out the propriety of its adoption. 
The pressure of evils in a great degree resulting from the 
imbecility of government, aided by erroneous opinions, 
which confound liberty with licentiousness, produced com- 
motions in Massachusetts, which amounted to treason and 
rebellion. On this occasion, Washington expressed him- 
self in a letter as follows; "The commotions and temper of 
numerous bodies in the eastern country, present a state of 
things equally to be lamented and deprecated. They exhi- 
bit a melancholy verification of what our transatlantic foes 
have predicted, and of another thing perhaps, which is still 
more to be regretted, and is yet more unaccountable, that 
mankind, when left to themselves, are unfit for their own 
government. I am mortified beyond expression, when I 
view the clouds which have spread over the brightest morn 
that ever dawned upon my country. In a word, I am lost in 
amazement, when I behold what intrigue the interested 
views of desperate characters, ignorance and jealousy of 
the minor part, are capable of effecting, as a scourge on the 
major part of our fellow-citizens of the union; for it is 
hardly to be supposed, that the great body of the people 
though they will not act, can be so short-sighted, or envel- 
oped in dark.-'.ess, as not to see rays of a distant sun 
through all this mist of intoxication and folly. 

"You talk, my good sir, of employing influence to ap- 
pease the present tumults in Massachusetts. I know not 
where that influence is to be found, nor, if attainable, that it 
would be a proper remedy for these disorders. Influence 
^not government. Let us have a government by which 
our lives, liberties, and properties, will be secured, or let 
us know the worst at once. Under these impressions, my 
humble opinion is, that there is a call for decision. Know 
precisely wliat the insurgents aim at. If they have real 
grievances, redress them if possible, or acknowledge the 
justice of them, and your inability to do it in the present 
moment. If they have not, employ the force of govern- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 165 

iflent against them at once. If this is inadequate, all will 
be cenvinced that the superstructure is bad, or wants sup- 
port. To be more exposed in the eyes of the world, and 
more contemptible, is hardly possible. To delay one or 
the other of these expedients, is to exasperate on the one 
hand, or to give confidence on the other, and will add to 
their numbers; for, like snowballs, such bodies increase by 
every movement, unless there is something in the way to 
obstruct and crumble them before their weight is too great 
and irresistible. 

"These are my sentiments. Precedents are dangerous 

things. Let the reins of government, then, be braced and 

held with a steady hand, and every violation of the constitu- 

I tion be reprehended. If defective, let it be amended, but 

not suffered to be trampled upon while it has an existence." 

Virginia placed the name of Washington at the head ot 

; her delegates for the proposed convention. Letters pour- 

ed in upon him from all sides, urging his acceptance of the 

appointment. In answer to one from Mr. Madison, who 

' had been the principal advocate of the measure in the Vir- 

I ginia legislature, Gen. Washington replied, "Although I 

I have bid a public adieu to the. public walks of life, and had 

( resolved never more to tread that theatre, yet if upon any 

i occasion so interesting to the well being of our confederal 

• cy, it had been the wish of the assembly that I should be an 

I associate in the business of revising the federal system, I 

I should, from a sense of the obligation 1 am under tor re- 

1 peated proofs of confidence in me, more than from any opin- 

^ ion I could entertain of my usefulness, have obeyed its 

I call; but it is now out of my power to do this with any de- 

^ gree of consistency. The cause I Vvill mention. 

"I presume you heard, sir, tliat I was first appointed, 
and have since been re-chosen, president of the society of 
the Cincinnati; and you may have understood also, that the 
triennial general meeting of this body is to be held in Phil- 
adelphia the first Monday in May next. Some particular 
reasons,, combining with the peculiar situation of my pri- 
I vate concerns, the necessity of paying attention to them, a 
wish for retirement, and relaxation from public cares, and 
rheumatic pains, which I begin to feel very sensibly, induced 
me, on the 31st ultimo, to address a circular letter to each 
state society, informing them of my intention not to be at 
2 



mn 



166 THE LIFE OF 

the next meeting, and of my desire not to be re-chosen pres- 
i<ient. The vice president is also informed of this, that the 
business of the society may not be impeded by my absence. 
Under these circumstances it will readily be perceived, 
that I could not appear at the same time and place, on any 
other occasion, without giving offence to a very respecta- 
ble and deserving part of the community; the late officers 
of the American army." 

The meeting of the convention was postponed to a day 
subsequent to that of the meeting of the Cincinnati. This 
removed one of the difficulties in the way of Washington's 
acceptance of a seat in the convention, and, joined with the 
importance of the call, and his own eager desire to advance 
the public interest, finally induced his compliance with the 
wishes of his friends. 

The convention met in Philadelphia, in May, and unani- 
mously chose George Washington their president. On 
the 17th of September, 1787, they closed their labours, and 
submitted the result to congress, with their opinion "that 
it should be submitted to a convention of delegates chosen 
in each state by the people thereof, under the recommend- 
ation of its legislature, for their assent and ratification. 

By this new form of government, ample powers were 
given to congress without the intervention of the states, 
for every purpose that national dignity, interest, or happi- 
aess required. 

The ablest pens and most eloquent tongues were em- 
ployed for, and against, its acceptance. In this animated 
contest, Washington took- no part. Having with his sword 
vindicated the right of his country to self government, 
and having with his advice aided in digesting an efficient 
form of government, which he most thoroughly approved, 
it would seem as though he wished the people to decide for 
themselves, whether to accept or reject it. 

The constitution being accepted by eleven states, and 
preparatory measures being taken for bringing it into ope- 
ration, all eyes were turned to Washington, as being the 
fittest man for the office of President of the United States. 
His correspondents began to press his acceptance of the 
high office, as essential to tise well being of his country. 

To those who think that Washington was like other men, 
it will scarcely appear possible, that supreme magistracy 
possessed no charms sufficient to teihpt hiip from his be- 



" GEORGE WASHINGTON. 167 

loved retirement, when he was healthy and strong, and on- 
ly fifty -seven years old; but if an opinion can be formed of 
his real sentiments, from the tenour of his life and confi- 
dential communications to his most intimate friends, a con- 
viction will be produced, that his acceptance of the presi- 
dency of the United States was the result of a victory ob- 
tained by a sense of duty over his inclinations, and was a 
real sacrifice of the latter to the former. 

In a letter to Col. Henry Lee, Washington observes; 
<'Notv/ithstanding my advanced season of life, my increas- 
ing fondness for agricultural amusements, and my growing 
love of retirement, augment and confirm my decided pre- 
diliction for the character of a private citizen; yet it will 
be no one of these motives, nor the hazard to which my 
former reputation might be exposed, nor the terror of en- 
countering new fatigues and troubles, that would deter me 
from an acceptance, but a belief that some other person 
who had less pretence and less inclination to be excused, 
could execute all the duties full as satisfactorily as myself. 
To say more would be indiscreet, as a disclosure of a refu* 
sal beforehand, might incur the application of the fable, in 
which the fox is represented as undervaluing the grapes he 
could not reach. You will perceive, iny dear sir, by what 
is here observed, and which you will be pleased to consider 
in the light of a confidential communication, that my incli- 
nations will dispose and decide me to remain as 1 am, un- 
less a clear and insurmountable conviction should be 
impressed on my mind, that some very disagreeable con- 
sequences must in all human probability result from the in- 
dulgence of my wishes." 

In a letter to Col. Hamilton, Washington observes, "If 
I am not grossly deceived in myself, I should unfeignedly 
rejoice, in case the electors, by giving their votes to some 
other person, would save me from the dreadful dilemma of 
being forced to accept or refuse. If that may not be, I am 
in the next place, earnestly desirous of searching out the 
truth, and of knowing whether there does not exist a prob- 
ability that the government would just as happily and 
effectually be carried into execution, without my aid, as 
with it. I am truly solicitous to obtain all the previous in- 
formation which the circumstances will afford, and to de- 
termine, when the determination can no longer be post- 
poned, according to the principles of right reason, and the 



168 THE LtFE OF 

dictates of a clear conscience, without too great a refer* 
ence to the unforeseen consequences which may affect my 
person or reputation. Until that period, I may fairly hold 
myself open to conviction, though I allow your sentiments 
to have weight in them; and I shall not pass by yourargu- 
ments, without giving them as dispassionate a consideration 
as I can possibly bestow upon them. 

"In taking a survey of the subject, in whatever point of 
light 1 have been able to place it, I will not suppress the 
acknowledgment, my dear sir, that I have always felt a 
kind of gloom upon my mind, as often as I have been taught 
to expect I might, and perhaps, must be called upon ere 
long to make the decision. You will, I am well assured, 
believe the assertion, that I have little expectation it 
would gain credit from those who are less acquainted with 
me, that if I should receive the appointment, and should be 
prevailed upon to accept it, the acceptance would be attend- 
ed with more difficulty and reluctance, than I ever expe- 
rienced before. It would be, however, with a fixed and 
sole determination of lending whatever assistance might be 
in my power to promote the public weal, in hopes that a 
convenient and early period, my services might be dispens- 
ed with; and that I might be permitted once more to retire, 
to pass an unclouded evening, after the stormy day of life, 
in the bosom of domestic tranquillity." 

In a letter to general Lincoln, Washington observes, "I 
may, however, with great sincerity, and I believe without 
offending against modesty and propriety, say to you, that I 
most heartily wish the choice to which you allude, might 
not fall upon me; and that if it should, I must reserve to 
myself the right of making up my final decision, at the last 
moment when it can be brought into one view, and when 
the expediency or inexpediency of a refusal can be more 
judiciously determined, than at present. But be assured, 
my dear sir, if, from any inducement, I shall be persuaded 
Ultimately to accept, it will not be, so far as I know my own 
heart, from any of a private or personal nature. Every per- 
sonal consideration conspires to rivet me, if I may use the 
expression, to retirement. At my time of life, and under 
my circumstances, nothing in this world can ever draw me 
from it, unless it be a conviction that the partiality of my 
countrymen has made my services absolutely necessary, 
joined to a fear that my refusal might induce a belief j 



GEORGE WASHliNGTON. 160 

thai I preferred the conservation of my own reputation and 
private ease, to the good of my country! After all, if I 
should conceive myself in a manner constrained to accept, 
I call heaven to witness, that this very act would be the 
greatest sacrifice of my personal feelings and wishes, that 
ever I have been called upon to make. It would be to 
forego repose and domestic enjoyment, for trouble, per- 
haps for public obloquy; for I should consider myself as en- 
tering upon an unexplored field, enveloped on every side 
with cjouds and darkness. 

"From this embarrassing situation, I had naturally sup- 
posed that my declarations at the close of the war would 
have saved me, and that my sincere intentions, then public- 
ly made known, would have eftectually precluded me for- 
ever afterward from being looked upon as a candidate for 
any office. This hope, as a last anchor of worldly happi- 
ness in old age, I had carefully preserved, until the public 
papers and private letters from my correspondents in al- 
most every quarter, taught me to apprehend that 1 might 
soon be obliged to answer the question, whether I would g» 
again into public life or not." 

In a letter to the Marquis de la Fayette, Washington ob- 
serves, "Your sentiments indeed coincide much more near- 
ly with those of my other friends, than with my own feel- 
ings. In truth, my difficulties increase and magnify as I 
draw toward the period, when, according to the common 
belief, it will be necessary for me to give a definite an- 
swer in one way or other. Should circumstances render it 
in a manner inevitably necessary to be in the affirmative, be 
assured, my dear sir, I shall assume the task with the most 
unfeigned reluctance, and with a real diffidence, for which 
I shall probably receive no credit from the world. If I 
know my own heart, nothing short of a conviction of duty, 
will induce me again to take an active part in public affairs. 
And in that case, if I can forui a plan for my own conduct, 
my endeavours shall be unremittingly exerted, even at the 
j hazard of former fame, or present popularity, to extricate 
j my country from the embarrassments in which it is entan- 
I gled through want of credit, and to establish a general sys- 
tem of policy, which, if pursued, will ensure permanent fe- 
licity to the commonwealth. I think I see a path as clear 
and ^s direct as a ray of light, which leads to the attainment 
of that object. Nothing but harmony, honesty, industry^ 



170 THE LIFE OF 

and frugality, are necessary to make us a great and happjT 
people. Happily the present posture of affairs, and the pre- 
vailing disposition of my countrymen, promise to co-ope- 
rate in establishing those four great and essential pillars of 
public felicity." 

Before the election of a president came on, so universal, 
was the expectation that Washington would be elected, 
that numerous applications were made to him, in anticipa- 
tion for offices in the government, which would be in his 
gift. To one of such applicants he wrote as follows; 
"Should it become absolutely necessary for me to occupy 
the station in which your letter presupposes me, I have de- 
termined to go into it perfectly free from all engagements 
of every nature whatsoever. A conduct in conformity to 
this resolution, would enable me in balancing the various 
pretensions of different candidates for appointments, to act 
with a sole reference to justice, and the public good. This 
is in substance, the answer that I have given to all applica- 
tions, and they are not few, which have already been made." 



CHAPTER XI. 



Washington elected president. On his way to the seat of govern- 
ment, at Ne w York, receives the most flattering- marks of resj^ect. 
Addresses Congress. The situation of the United States in their 
foreign and domestic relations, a,t the mauguration of VVashinglon. 
Fills up pubhc offices soicly with a view to the public good. Pro- 
poses a treaty to the Creek Indians, which is at firsi rejected. 
Colonel Willet induces the heads of the nation to come to Stw 
York, to treat there. The North Western Indians refise a treaty, 
but after defeating generals ilarmar ar^d Sinclair, tliey are defeat- 
ed by General Wayne. They then submit, and agree to treat. A 
new system is introduced for meliorating their condition. 



It was intended that the new government should have 
commenced its operations on the 4th of March, 1789: but 
from accidental causes, the election of Gen. Washington to 



\3rJ2iUUlxl5i WASttllNljrrUiV. 171 

the presidency was not ofiSciallj announced to him at 
Mount Vernon, till the 14th of next April. This was done 
by Charles Thomson, secretary to the late congress, who 
presented to him the certificate signed by the president of 
the senate of the United States, stating that George Wash- 
ington was unanimously elected president. This unexpect- 
ed delay was regretted by the public, but not by the newly 
elected president. In a letter to Gen. Knox, lie observed, 
"As to myself, the delay may be compared to a reprieve; 
for in confidence I tell you, that with the world it would 
obtain little credit, my movements to the chair of govern- 
ment will be accompanied by feelings not unlike those of a 
culprit who is going to the place of his execution; so unwil- 
ling am I in the evening of life, nearly consumed in public 
cares, to (iuit a peaceful, abode for an ocean of diflTiculties, 
without that competency of political skill, abilities, and in- 
clination, which are necessary to manage the l.,elm. I am 
sensible that I am embarking the voice of the people, and 
a good name of my own, on this voyage, but what returns 
will be made for them, heaven alone can foretell. Integri- 
ty and firmness are all I can promise. These, be the voy- 
age long or short, shall never forsake me, although I may 
be deserted by all men; for all the consolations which are 
to be derived from these, under any circumstancts, the 
world cannot deprive me." 

On the second day alter receiving notice of his appoint- 
ment, Washington set out for New York. On his way 
thither, the road was crowded with numbers anxious to see 
the mhn of the people, K:^corts of militia, and of gentle- 
men of the first character aii<i station, attended him from 
state to state, und he was every where received with the 
highest honours whicli a grateful and a;lmiring people 
could coTifer. ^.a^lresses of congratulation were presented 
to him by the inhahitants of almost every place of conse- 
quence through which he passed, to all of which he return- 
ed such modest, unassuming answers, as were in every res- 
pect suitable to his situation. 80 great were the honours 
with which he was loaded, that they could scarcely have 
failed to produce haughtiness in the mind of any ordinary 
man; but nothing of the kind was ever discovered in this 
extraordinary personage. On all occasions he behaved to 
all men with the affability of one citizen to another. He 



172 THE LIFE OF 

was truly great in deserving the plaudits of his country, 
but much greater in not being elated by them. 

Of the numerous addresses which were presented on 
this occasion, one subscribed by Dennis Ramsay, the mayor 
of Alexandria, in the name of the people of that city, who 
were the neighbours of Mr. Washington, was particularly 
and universally admired. It was in the following words; 

<«TO GEORGE WASHINGTON, ESQ. PRESIDENT OF THE 
UNITED STATES, &C. 

"Again your country commands your care. Obedient 
to its wishes, unmindful of your ease, we see you again re- 
linquishing the bliss of retirement, and this too, at a period 
©f life when nature itself seems to authorize a preference 
of repose. 

"Not to extol your glory as a soldier; not to pour forth 
©ur gratitude for past services; not to acknowledge the 
justice of the unexampled honour which has been confer- 
red upon you by the spontaneous and unanimous suffrage 
of three millions of freemen, in your election to the su- 
preme magistracy, nor to admire the patriotism which di- 
rects your conduct, do your neighbours and friends now ad- 
dress you. Themes less splendid, but more endearing, 
impress our minds. The first and best of citizens must 
leave us; our aged must lose their ornament; our youth 
their model; our agriculture its improver; our commerce 
its friend; our infant academy its protector; our poor their 
benefactor; and the interiour navigation of the Potomac, 
an event replete with the most extensive utility, already by 
your unremitted exertions brought into partial use, its in- 
«titutor and promoter. 

"Farewell. Go, and make a grateful people happy; a 
people who will be doubly grateful when they contemplate 
this recent sacrifice for their 4n<erest. 

"To that Being who maketh and unmaketh at his will, 
we commend you; and after the accomplishment of the 
arduous business to which you are called, may he restore 
to us again the best of men, and the most beloved fellow- 
citizen." 

To this Mr. Washington returned the following anwer; 

"GENTLEMEN, 

"Although I ought not to conceal, yet I cannot describe 
the painful emotions which I felt, in being called upon to 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 173 

<lctermine whether I would accept or refuse the presidency 
of the United States. The unanimity in the choice; the 
opinion of my friends communicated from different parts 
of Europe as well as from America: the apparent wish of 
those who were not entirely satisfied with the constitution 
in its present form, and an ardent desire on my own part to 
be instrumental in connecting the good will of my country- 
men toward each otlier, have induced an acceptance. — 
Those who know me best, and you, my fellow-citizens, arc 
from you* situation, in that number, know better than any 
others, my love of retirement is so great, that no earthly 
consideration, short of a conviction of duty, could have 
prevailed upon me to depart from my resolution 'never 
more to take any share in transactions of a public nature;' 
[ for at my age, and in my circumstances, what prospects or 
advantages could I propose to myself from embarking again 
on the tempestuous and uncertain ocean of public life.^ 
I "I do not feel myself under the necessity of making 
public declarations in order to convince you, gentlemen, of 
my attachment to yourselves, and regard for your interests. 
! The vvhole tenour of my life has been open to your inspec- 
I tion, and my past actions, rather than my present declara- 
I lions, must be the pledge of my future conduct. 
\ "In the mean time, I thank you most sincerely for the 
I expressions of kindness contained in, your valedictory ad- 
I dress. It is true, just after having bade adieu to my do- 
I mestic connexions, this tender proof of your friendship is 
I but too weil calculated, still further to awaken my sensibil- 
^ ity, and increase my regret at parting from the enjoyment 
, of private life. 

f "All that now remains of me, is to commit myself and 
-you to the protection of that beneiicient Being, who on a 
former occasion hath happily brought us together, after a 
long and distressing separation. Perhaps the same gra- 
cious Providence will again indulge me. Unutterable sen- 
sations must then be left to more expressive silence, while 
from an acliing heart I bid all my atlectionate friends and 
kind neighbours farewell." 

Gray's bridge, over the Schuylkill, which Mr. Washing, 
ton had to pass, was highly decorated with laurels and ever- 
greens. At eac1\end of it were erected magnificent arches, 
composed of laurels, emblematical of the ancient Roman 
P 



174 THE LIFE OF 

triumphal arches, and on each side of the bridge was a 
laurel shrubberj. As Mr. Washington passed the bridge, 
a youth ornamented with sprigs of laurel, assisted by ma- 
chinery, let drop above his head, though unperceived by 
him, a civic crown of laurel. Upward of twenty thousand 
citizens lined the fences, fields and avenues, between tlie 
Schuylkill and Philadelphia. Through these he was con- 
ducted to the city by a numerous and respectable body of 
the citizens, where he partook of an elegant entertainment 
provided for him. The pleasures of the day were succeed- 
ed by a handsome display Oi fireworks in the evening. 

When Mr. W^ashington crossed the Delaware, and land- 
ed on the Jersey shore, he was saluted with three cheers by 
the inhabitants of the vicinity. When he came to the 
brow of the hill on his way to Trenton, a triumphal arch 
was erected on the bridge by the direction of the ladies of 
the place. The crown of the arch was highly ornamented 
with laurels and flowers, and on it was displayed in large 
figures, '* December 26th, 1776." On the sweep of the 
arch beneath, was this inscription, "The Defender of the 
Mothers will also protect their Daughters." On the north 
side were ranged a number of female children dressed in 
white, with garlands of flowers on their heads, and baskets 
of flowers on their arms; in the second row stood the 
young women, and behind them the married ladies of the 
vicinity. The instant he passed the arch the children be- 
gan to sing the following ode: 

♦'Welcome mig-hty chief! once more 
Welcome to this grateful shore. 
Now no mercenary foe 
Aims again the fatal blow. 
Aims at thee the fatal blow. 
Virgins fair, and matrons grave. 
These thy conquering arm did save! 
Build fortkee triumphal bowers^ 
Strew, ye fair, his way with flowers; 
Strew your hero's way with flowers." . 

As they sung the last lines, they strewed their flowers 
on the road before their beloved deliverer. His situation 
on this occasion, contrasted with what he had in December, 
17r6, felt on the same spot, when the affairs of America 
were at the lowest ebb of depression, filled him with sen- 
sations that cannot be described. He was rowed across the 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 175 

bay from Elizabethtown to New York, in an elegant barge, 
by' thirteen pilots. All the vessels in the harbour hoisted 
their flags. Stairs were erected and decorated for his re- 
ception. On his landing, universal joy diffused itself 
through every order of the people; and he was received and 
congratulated by the governor of the state, and officers of 
the corporation. He was conducted from the landing place 
to the house which had been fitted up for his reception, 
and was followed by an elegant procession of militia in 
their uniforms, and by a great number of citizens. lii the 
evening the houses of the inhabitants were brilliantly illu- 
minated. 

A day was fixed soon after his arrival, for his taking the 
oath of office, which was in the following words: *'l do 
solemnly swear, that I will faithfully execute the office of 
President of the United States; and will to the best of my 
ability preserve, protect and defend the constitution of the 
United States." On this occasion he was wholly clothed 
in American manufactures. In the morning of the day 
appointed for this purpose, the clergy of different denomi- 
nations assembled their congregations in their respective 
places of worship, and offered up public prayers for the 
president and people of the United States. About noon a 
procession, followed by a multitude of citizens, moved 
from the president's house to Federal Hall. \'^ hen tiiey 
came within a short distance from the Hall, the troops form- 
ed a line on both sides of the way, through wliich Mr. 
Washington, accompanied by the vice-president, Mr. John 
Adams, passed into the senate chamber. Immediately af' 
ter, accompanied by both houses, he went into the gallery 
fronting Broud-street, and before them and an immense 
concourse of citizens, took the oath prescribed by the con- 
stitution, which was administered by R. R. Livingston, the 
chancellor of the state of New York. An awful silence 
prevailed among the spectators during this part of the cer- 
emony, rt was a minute of the most sublime political 
joy. The chancellor then proclaimed him president of 
the United States. This was answered by the discharge 
of thirteen guns; and by the effusions of shouts fro-i; near 
ten thousand grateful and affectionate hearts. The presi- 
dent bowed most respectfully to the people, and the air 
resounded again with their acclamations. He theyi retired 



ire THE LIFE OF 

to the senate chamber, where he made the following speech 
to both houses: 

'^Fellow-Citizens of the Senate, 

''and of the House of llepresentatives, 

"Among tlie vicissitudes incident to life, no event could 
have filled me with greater anxieties than tliat of which the 
notification was transmitted by your order, and received on 
the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I 
was summoned by my country, whose voice I can never 
hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I 
had chosen with the fondest prediliction, and, in my flatter- 
ing hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of 
my declining years; a retreat which was rendered every 
day more necessary as well as more dear to me, by the ad- 
dition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions- 
in my health to tlie gradual waste committed on it by time. 
On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust 
to w hich the voice of my country called me, being sufficient 
to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citi- 
zens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not 
but overwhelm with despondence one who, inheriting infe- 
riour endowments from nature, and unpractised in the duties 
of civil administration, ought to be peculiarly conscious of 
his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions, all I 
dare aver is, that it has been my faithful study to collect 
my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by 
which it might be effected. All I dare hope is, that, if iu 
accepting this task, I have been too much swayed by a 
grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affec- 
tionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confi- 
dence of my fcllov/ -citizens; and have thence too little con- 
sulted my Incapacity, as well as disinclination for the 
weighty and untried cares before me; my errour will be 
palliated by the motives which misled me, and its conse- 
quences be judged by my country with some share of the 
partiality in which they originated. 

"Such being the impressions under which I have, in 
obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present 
station; it will be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first 
official act, my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being 
who rules over the universe; who presides in the councils 
of nations; and whose providential aids can supply every 



\Jt iJJXJ l.\\jmd »T ^^\^i.i.XJ.-^KAM.\JX^i 



human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the 
liberties and happiness of the people of the United States, 
a government instituted by themselves for these essential 
purposes; and may enable every instrument employed in 
its administration, to execute with success, the functions 
allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the 
great Author of every public and private good, I assure 
myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my 
own; nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, less than 
either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore 
the invisible hand which conducts the affairs of men, more 
than the people of the United States. Every step by 
which they have advanced to the cliaracter of an indepen° 
dent nation. seems to have been distinguished by some to- 
ken of providential agency, and in the important revolu- 
tion just accomplished in the system of their united gov- 
ernment, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent 
of so many distinct communities, from which the event has 
resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which 
most governments have been established; without some re- 
turn of pious gratitude along with an humble anticipation 
of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. 
These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have 
forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppres- 
sed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there 
are none, under the influence of which the proceedings of 
a new and free government can more auspiciously com^ 
nicnce. 

''By the article establishing the executive department, 
it is made the duty of the president *to recommend to your 
consideration, such measures as he shall judge necessary 
and expedient.' TUe circumstances under which I now 
meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject, 
farther than to refer to the great constitutional charter un-- 
der wliich you are assembled, and which, in defining your 
powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to 
be given. It will be more consistent with those circum- 
stances, and far more congenial with the feelinos which ac- 
tuate me, to substitute in place of a recommendation of 
particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, 
the rectitude, and the patriotism, which adorn the charac- 
ters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honour° 
P 2 



U 



X IXlJ J_iXXJ-i v^x 



able qualifications, T behold the surest pledges that, as on 
one side, no local prejudices or attachments, no separate 
views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehen- 
sive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great as- 
semblage of communities and interests; so^ on another, that 
the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure 
and immutable principles of private morality; and the pre- 
eminence of free government be exemplified by all the at- 
tributes which can win the aftections of its citizens, and 
command the respect of the world, I dwell on this prospect 
with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country 
can inspire; since there is no truth more thoroughly estab- 
lished than that there exists, in the economy and course of 
nature; an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; 
between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims 
of an honest and magnanimous policy, and the solid rewards 
of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no 
less persuaded that the propitious smiles of heaven can nev- 
er be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules 
of order and right, which heaven itself has ordained; and 
since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the 
destiny of the republican model of government, are justly 
conj^idered as deeply, perhaps as finally, staked on the 
experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people. 
*<Beside the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it 
will remain with your judgment to decide, how far an ex- 
ercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article 
of the constitution is rendered expedient, at the present 
juncture, by the nature of objections which have been urged 
against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which 
has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particu- 
lar recommendations on this subject, in which I could be 
guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I 
shall again give way to my entire confidence in your dis- 
cernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure my- 
self, that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which 
might endanger the benefits of a united and eifective gov- 
ernment, or which ought to await the future lessons of ex- 
perience; a reverence for the characteristic rights of fire- 
men, and a regard for the public harmony, will sufficiently 
influence your deliberations on the question how far the for- 
mer can be more impregnably fortified, or the latter be 
safely and advantageously promoted. 



"To the preceding observations I have one to add, which 
will be most properly addressed to the house of representa- 
tives. It concerns myself, and will, therefore, be as brief as 
possible. "When 1 was first honoured with a call into the 
service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous strug- 
gle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my 
duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary com- 
pensation. From this resolution I have in no instance de- 
parted. And being still under the impressions which pro- 
duced it, I must decline, as inapplicable to myself, any 
share in the personal emoluments which may be indispen- 
sably included in a permanent provision for the executive 
department; and must, accordingly, pray that the pecuniary 
estimates for the station in which I am placed, may, during 
my continuance in it, be limited to such actual expenditures 
as the public good may be thought to require. 

"Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as they 
have been awkened by the occasion which brings us to- 
gether, I shall take my present leave; but not without re- 
,sorting once more to the benign Parent of tlie human race, 
An humble supplication, that since he has been pleased to 
favour the American people with opportunities for deliber- 
ating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding 
with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for 
the security of their union, and the advancement of their 
happiness; so his divine blessing may be equally conspicuous 
in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the 
wise measures on which the success of this government 
must depend." 

In their answer to this speech, the senate say; "The 
unanimous suffrage of the elective body in your favour, is 
peculiarly expressive of the gratitude, confidence, and af* 
fection of the citizens of America, and is the highest testi- 
monial at once of your merit, and their esteem. We are 
sensible, sir, that nothing but the voice of your fellow-citi- 
zens could have called you from a retreat, chosen with the 
fondest prediliction, endeared by habit, and consecrated to 
the repose of declining years. We rejoice, and with us 
all America, that, in obedience to the call of our common 
country, you have returned once mor€ to public life. In 
you all parties confide; in you all interests unite; and we 
have no doubt that your past services, great as they have 
been, will be equalled by your future exertionsj and that 



J I.JLX.J JLJXl lU V^X 



your prudence and sagacity as a statesman, will tend to 
avert the dangers to which we were exposed, to give stabili- 
ty to the present government, and dignity and splendour to 
that country, which your skill and valour as a soldier so 
eminently contributed to raise to independence and to em- 
pire." 

The affection for the person and character of the presi- 
dent with which the answer of the house of representatives 
glowed, promised that between this branch of the legisla- 
ture also and the executive, the most harmonious co-opera- 
tion in the public service might be expected. 

"The representatives of the people of the United t*tates," 
says this address, "present their congratulations on the 
eVent by which your fellow-citizens have attested the pre- 
eminence of 3'our merit. You have long held the first 
place in their esteem. You have often received tokens of 
their affection. You now possess the only proof that re- 
mained of their gratitude for your services, of their rever- 
ence for your wisdom, and of their confidence in your vir- 
tues. You enjoy the highest, because the truest honour, 
of being the fiist magistiate, by the unanimous choice of the 
freest people on the face of the earth. 

"We well know the anxieties with which you must have 
obeyed the summons from the repose reserved for your de- 
clining years, into public scenes of which you had taken 
your leave for ever. But obedience was due to the occa- 
sion. It is already applauded by the universal joy which 
welcomes you to your station. And we cannot doubt that 
it will be rewarded with all t!ie satisf.iction with which an 
ardent love for your fellow-citizens must review successful 
efforts to promote their hapi.-iness. 

"Thi? anticipation is not justified merely by the past ex- 
perience of your signal services. It is particularly suggest- 
ed by the pious impressions under which you commenae 
your adiiiinistration; and the enliglitened maxims by which 
you mean to conduct it. We feel with you the strongest 
obligations to adore the invisible hand which has led the 
American people through so many difficuUies; to cherish a 
conscious responsibility for the destiny of republican liber- 
ty; and to seek the only suie means of preserving and re- 
commending; the precious deposit in a system of legislation 
founded on the principles of an honest policy, and directed 
by the spirit of a diffusive patriotism. . 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 181 

"Tn forming the pecuniary provisions for tlie executive 
department, we shall not lose sight of a wish resulting from 
motives which give it a peculiar claim to our regard. Your 
resolution, in a moment critical to the liberties of your 
country, to renounce all personal emolument, was among 
the many presages of your patriotic services, which have 
been amply fulfilled; and your scrupulous adherence now 
to the law then imposed on yourself, cannot fail to demon- 
strate the purity, whilst it increases the lustre of a charac- 
ter which has so many titles to admiration. 

'*Such are the sentiments with which we have thought 
fit to address you. They flow from our own hearts, and 
we verily believe that among the millions we represent, 
there is not a virtuous citizen whose heart will disown 
them. 

"All that remains is, that we join in your fervent suppli- 
cations for the blessings of Heaven on our country; and 
that we add our own for the choicest of these blessings on 
the most beloved of her citizens." 

The president and congress then attended on divine 
service. 

In the evening a very ingenuous and splendid show of 
fireworks was exhibited. Betwixt the fort and the Bov/ling 
Green stood conspicuous, a superb and brilliant transparent 
painting, in the centre of which was the portrait of the pres- 
ident represented under the emblem of Fortitude; on his 
right hand was Justice, representing the Senate of the Uni- 
ted States, and on his left Wisdom, representing the House 
of Representativefs. 

When Wasliington commenced his administration, the 
condition of the United States was so embarrassed as to ex- 
cite many fears for the success of the new government. 
The treasury was empty. Large debts were due both by 
the old congress and individuals to foreigners, and also 
from the United States to its own citizens, and from citizens 
to citizens. Every elfort made by the former government 
to pay, or even to fund its debts, had failed, from the imbe- 
cility of the federal system. Great discontents prevailed 
in the United States, for the party opposed to the new con- 
stitution was strong and numerous. Several of these were 
elected to seats in the new congress. Some were clamor- 
ous for a new convention, and the most moderate for amend- 
ments of what had been ratified. Two states. North Cavo- 



182 THE LIFE OP 

lina and Rhode Island, by refusing an acceptance of the 
constitution, were without the pale of its operations. 

Ani^nosities prevailed to a great degree between the 
United States and Great Britain. Each charged the other 
with a breach of their late treaty. In support of these 
charges, one party urged the severities practised toward 
the loyalists, and that some of the states had interposed le- 
gal impediments to the recovery of debts due to British 
subjects. The other recriminated by alleging, that the 
British, on their departure from the United States, had car- 
ried oft" with them several thousands of negroes belonging 
to the Americans; and continued to possess sundry posts 
within the acknowledged limits of the United States; and 
that fiom these posts they encouraged and instigated the 
neighbouring Indians to make war on their north western 
frontier settlements. Spain, from the circumstance of their 
owning the land on each side of the mouth of the Missis- 
sippi, claimed the exclusive navigation of that river; while 
the western inhabitants of the United States looked to their 
country for a vindication of their common right to the use 
of this highway of nature. The boundaries of the United 
States toward the territories of Spain in the south, and to- 
ward those of Britain in the northeast, were both unsettled 
and in dispute. The whole regular effective force of the 
United States was less than six hundred men. Their trade 
was restricted much more than when they formed a part of 
the British empire. They had neither money to purchase, 
nor a naval force to compel the friendship of the Barbary 
powers; and were, therefore, exposed to capture whenever 
they ventured to trade in the Mediterranean, the coasts of 
which offered the best markets for some of their valuable 
commodities. 

The military strength of the northern Indians who inhab- 
ited the country between the Lakes, the Mississippi, and 
the Ohio, was computed at five thousand men, and of these 
fifteen hundred were at open war with the United States. 
The Creeks, in the southwest, who could bring six thousand 
fighting men into the field, were at war with Georgia. 

These were but a part of the embarrassments under 
which the United States laboured when general Washing- 
ton was calle<l to the helm. The redress of most of them 
required legislative interference, as well as executive aid. 
To point out the particular agency of the president in re- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 183 

moving these embarrassments, and generally meliorating 
the condition of the United States, is peculiarly the province 
of the biographer of Washington. * 

Congress having organized the great departments of gov- 
ernment, it became the duty of the president to designate 
proper persons to fill them. In discharging this delicate 
and difficult trust, Washington kept himself free from every 
engagement, and uniformly declined giving decisive an- 
swers to applicants, having previously resolved to nominate 
persons to offices with a sole view to the public good, and 
to bring forward those who, upon every consideration, and 
from the best information he could obtain, were in his judg- 
ment most likely to answer the great end. 

Under these impressions he placed colonel Hamilton at 
the head of the Treasury Department. 

At the head of the Department of Foreign Aflfairs, he pla- 
ced Mr. Jefferson. 

General Knox was continued in the Department of War 
which he had filled under the old congress. 

The office of Attorney -General was assigned to Mr. Ed- 
mund Randolph. 

These composed the cabinet council of the first president. 

The judicial department was Qiled as follows: 

John Jay, of New York, Chief Justice. 

John Rutledge, of South Carolina, "^ 

James Wdson, of Penns}lvania, | 

William Cushing, of Massachusetts, J> Associate Judges, 

Robert Harrison, of Maryland, and j 

John Blair, of Virginia, J * 

The officers who had been appointed by the individual 
states to manage the revenue, which, under the old sys- 
tem, was paid into the state treasury, were re-appointed to 
corresponding offices under the new constitution, by which 
the revenue had been transferred from the local to the gen- 
eral treasury of the union. 

It was among tiie first cares of Washington to make 
peace with the Indians. General Lincoln, ^lr. Griffin, and 
colonel Humplireys, very soon after the inauguration of 
the president, were deputed by him to treat with the Creek 
Indians. These met with M-GiJlvray, and otiier chiefs of 
the nation, with about two thousand men, at the Rock Land- 
ing, on the frontiers of Georgia. The negotiations were 
soon broken off by M'GiUvray, whose personal interest 



184 THE LIF^ OF 

and connexion with Spain were supposed to have been the 
real cause of their abrupt and unsuccessful termination. 
The next year brought round an accomplishment of the pres- 
ident's wishes, which had failed in the first attempt. Poli- 
cy and interest concurred in recommending every prudent 
measure for detaching the Creek Indians trom all connex- 
ion with the Spaniards, and cementing their friendship with 
the United States. Negotiations carried on with them in 
the vicinity of the Spanish settlements, promised less than 
negotiations conducted at the seat of goveHiment. To in- 
duce a disposition favourable to this change of place, the 
president sent colonel Willet, a gallant and intelligent offi- 
cer of the late army, into the Creek country, apparently 
on private business, but with a letter of introduction to 
M'Gillvray, and with instructions to take occasional oppor- 
tunities to point out the distresses which a Mar with the 
United States would bring on the Creek nation, and the in- 
discretion of their breaking off" the negotiations at the Rock 
Landing; and to exhort him to repair with the chiefs of his 
nation to New York, in order to effect a solid and lasting 
peace. Willet performed these duties with so much dex- 
terity, that M'Gillvray, with the chiefs of his nation, v/ere 
induced to come to New York, where fresh negotiations 
commenced, which, on the 7th of August, 1790, terminated 
in the establishment of peace. 

The pacific overtures made by Washington to the Indians 
of the Wabash and the Miamis, failed of success. Long 
experience had taught the president, that on tlie failure of 
negotiations with tlie Indians, policy, economy, and even 
humanity, required tlie employment of a sufficient force to 
carry offensive war into their country, and lay waste their 
settlements. The accomplishment of this was no easy 
matter. The Indian nations were numerous, accustomed 
to war, and not without discipline. They were said to be 
furnished with arms and ammunitions from the British posts 
lield within the United States, in violation of the treaty of 
peace. Generals Harmar and Sinclair were successively 
defeated by the Indians; and four or five years elapsed be- 
fore they v/ere subdued. This was accomplished by Gen. 
Wayne, in 1794. Soon after that event, a peace was con- 
cluded under his auspices, between these Indians and the 
United States. In the progress of this last Indian War, rcr 
panted overtures of peace were made -to the North '\^"est- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 185 

ern Indians, but rejected. About the same period a new 
system was commenced for turning them oif from hunrting 
to the employments of civilized life, by furnishing them 
with implements and instructions for agriculture and man- 
ufactures. 

In this manner, during the prefeideacy of George Wash- 
ington, pcLce was restored to the frontier settlements both 
in the north and southwest, which has continued ever since, 
and it is likely to do so, while, at the same time, the pros- 
pect of meliorating the condition of the savages is daily 
brightening; for the system first began by Washington 
with the view of civilizing these fierce sons of nature, have 
been ever siftce steadily pursued by all his successors. In- 
dian wars are now only known from the Records or recol- 
lection of past events; and it is probable Jhat tiie day is not 
far distant when the United States wilf receive a consider- 
able accession of citizens from the civilized red men of the 
forest. 



CHAPTER XII. 



Ceneral Washington attends to the foreign relations of the United 
States. Negotiates with Spain. Difficulties in the way. The free 
navigation of the Mississippi is granted by a treaty made with Ma- 
jor Pinkney. Negotiations with Britain. Difficulties in the way. 
War probable. Mr. Jay's mission. His treaty with Great Britain. 
Opposition thereto. Is ratified. Washington refuses papers to 
the House of Representatives. British posts in the United States 
evacuated. Negotiations with France. Genet's arrival. Assumes 
illegal powers, in violation of the neutrality of the United States. 
Is flattered by the people, but opposed by the executive. Is re- 
called. Gen. Pinkney sent as public minister to adjust disputes 
with France. Is not received. Washington declines are-election, 
and addresses the people. His last address to the national legis 
lature. Recommends a navy, a military academy, and other public 
institutions. 

Events "which had taken place before the inauguration 
of Washington, embarrassed his negotiations for the ad- 



186 THE LIFE OF 

justment of the political relations between the United States 
and Spain. 

In the year 1779, Mr. Jay had been appointed by the old 
congress to make a treaty with his Catholic Majesty, but 
his best endeavours for more than two years were ineffect- 
ual. In a Jit of desj)onde!ice, while the revolutionary war 
was pressing, he had been authorized to agree <'to relin- 
quish, and in future forbear to use the navigation of the riv- 
er Mississippi, from the point where it leaves the United 
States, down to the ocean." After the war was ended, a ma- 
jority of conj;ress had agreed to barter away for twenty- 
five years, their claiai to this navigation. A long and intri- 
cate negotiation between Mr. Gardoqui, the minister of his 
Catholic Majesty, and tlie Secretary of Foreign Affairs, 
had taken place at New York, in the interval between the 
establishment of peace and of the new constitution of the 
United States; but was rendered abortive from the inflex- 
ible adherence of Mr. Gardoqui to tlie exclusion of the cit- 
izens of the United States fiom n^ivigating the Mississippi 
below their southern boundary. This unyielding disposi- 
tion of Spain, the inability of the United States to assert 
their claims to the navigation of tliis river, and,especia!ly 
the facility which the old congiess had shone to recede 
from it for a term of years, Iuk! soured the minds of the 
western settlers. Their impatience transported them so 
far beyond the bounds of policy, that they son\etimes drop- 
ped hints of separating iVom the Atlantic States, and at- 
taching themselves to th.e Spaniards. In this critical state 
of things, the president fouijd abundant exeicise for all his 
prudence. The western inhabitants were, in fact, thwart- 
ing his views in their favour, and encouraging Spain to 
persist in i-efusing that free navigation, Vv'hich was so ar- 
dently desired both by t'ne pre; iJent and tl-.e people. The 
adherence of Spain to t!)e exclusive use of the lower Mis- 
sissippi, and the impolitic discontents of the western inhab- 
itants, were not tiie only embarrassments of Washington, 
in negotiating with the court of Madrid. 

In 1793, four Frenchmen left Philadelphia, empowered 
by Mr. Genet, the minister of the French Republic, to 
prepare an expedition in Kentucky against New Orleans. 
Spain, then at war with France, was at peace with the Uni- 
ted States. Washington was officially bound to interpose 
his authority to prevent the raising of an armed force from 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 187 

among his fellow-citizens to conv.nit hostilities on a peaco- 
ableneiy;hbouiino- power. Orders were accordiiigly given 
to the cfvil authority in Kentucky, to use all legai means 
to prevent this expedition: but the execution ot t-iese or- 
ders was so languid, that it became necessary to call in tl-.e 
aid of the regular army. Gen. Wayne v^as ordered to es- 
tablish a inilit.iry post at Fort Massac on the Ol\io, for the 
purpose of forceably stopping any Lody of armed men, 
v.ho, in opposition to remonstrances, siujuld persist in ^o- 
in|£ down that river. 

Many of the high,s|:iri(ed Kentuckiani? were so exaspe- 
rated ao;ainst the Spani.ads, as to be vevy willi'ij; to second 
the views of the French minister, and under ills auspices 
to attack ?^!"evv Orleans. The navigation of the ?ijississippi 
was so necessary for conveying to '^woper markets the sur- 
plusage of their luxuriant soil, that to gain this privilege 
others were willing to receive it from the hands of the Span- 
iards at the price of renouncing all political connexion with 
the United States. While these opposite modes of seeking a 
reme<ly for the same evil were pursuing by persons of dif- 
ferent temperaments, a remonstrance from the inhabitants 
of Kentucky was presented to Washington and congress. 
This demanded the use oftlie Mississippi as a natural right, 
and at the same time cliarged the government with being 
under the influence of a local policy, which had prevented 
all serious efforts for the acquisition of a right which was 
essential to the prosperity of the western people, it spoke 
the language of an injured people, irritated by the malad- 
ministration of their public servants; and hinted the prob- 
ability of a dismemberment of the union, if tlicir natural 
rights were not vindicated by g(»vernment. To appease 
these discontents; to restrain the French from making war 
on the Spaniards with a force raised and embodied in the 
United States? and at the same time, by fair negotiatiora, 
to obtain the free use of the Mississippi from the. court of 
Madrid, was the task assigned to Washington. Ditficult and 
delicate asit was, the whole was accomplish.ed. Anteriour to 
the receipt of the Kentucky remonstrance, the president, 
well knowing the <liscon tents of the interiour people, and 
that the publication of them would obstruct his views, had 
directed the !Secretary of State to give assurances to the 
governor of Kentucky, that every exeition was making to 
obtain Tor the western people the free navigation they so 



188 THE LIFE OF 

much desired. The strong arm of government was suc- 
cessfully exerted to frustrate the expedition projected by 
the French minister against New Orleans^ and, while 
these matters were pending, Major Thomas Pinkney was 
appointed envoy extraordinary to the court of Madrid; and 
in the year 1795, he concluded a treaty with his Catholic 
Majesty, in which the claims of the United States on the 
subject of boundary, and the navigation of the Mississippi, 
were fully conceded. By these events, the discontents of 
the western people were done away. Tranquillity was re- 
stored between the Atlantic and western states; and all 
points in controversy between the United States and Spain 
weie satisfactorily adjusted. The most important of these, 
the free navigation of the Mississippi, had been the subject 
of discussion in the h^nds of different negotiators, for al- 
most the whole of the immediately preceding fifteen years. 

Great were the difficulties Washington had to encounter 
in amicably Fettling all matters with Spain; but much great- 
er stood in the way of a peaceable adjustment of various 
grounds of controversy between the United States and 
Great Britain. 

Each of these two nations charged the other with a breach 
of the treaty of peace, in 1783, and each supported the 
charge against the other, with more solid arguments than 
either alleged in their own defence. 

The peace terminated the calamities of war, but was far 
from terminating the resentments which were excited by 
it. Many in the United States believed that Great Britain 
was their natural eneiny, and that her views of subjecting 
the United States to her empire, were only for the present 
suspended. Soon after the peace, Mr. John Adams had 
been deputed by the old congress to negotiate a treaty be- 
tween tlie United States and Great Britain; but the latter 
declined to meet this advance of the former. Wliile he ur 
ged on the court of Great Britain, the necessity they were 
under by the late treaty to evacuate their posts on the 
south side of the lakes of Canada, they retorted that some 
of the states had, in violation of the same treaty, passed 
laws interposing legal impediments to the recovery of debts 
due to British subjects. 

Washington's love of justice was not weakened by parti- 
ality to his country. In a letter to a member of congress, 
he observed, "It was impolitic and unfortunate, if not un- 



just, in those states to pass laws, which, by fair construc- 
tion, might be considered as infractions of the treaty of 
peace. It is good policy at all times, to place one's adver- 
sary in the wrong. Had he observed good faith, and the 
western posts had been withheld from us by Great Brit- 
ain, we might have appealed to God and man for justice." 

"What a misfortune is it," said he, in another letter, 
"that the British should have so well grounded a pretext 
for their palpable infractions; and what a disgraceful part, 
out of the choice of difficulties before us, are we to act!" 

In the first years of Washington's presidency, he took 
informal measures to sound the British cabinet, and to as- 
certain its views respecting the United States. To Mr. 
Gouverneur Morris, who had been carried by private busi- 
ness to Europe, this negotiation was intrusted. He con- 
ducted it with ability; but found no disposition in the court 
of Great Britain to accede to the wishes of the United 
States. In about two years more, when the stability and 
energy of the government as administered by Washington, 
becam^e a matter of public notoriety, the British, of tiieir 
own motion, sent Mr. Hammond, their first minister to the 
United States. This advance induced the president to nom- 
inate Mr. Thomas Pinckney as minister plenipotentiary to 
the court of Great Britain. 

About this tiine war commenced between France and 
Great Britain, The correct, sound judgment of Washing* 
ton instantly decided that a perfect neutrality was the right, 
the duty and the interest of the United States, and of this he 
', gave public notice by a proclamation, in April, 1793. Sub- 
sequent events have proved the wisdom of this measure, 
tho' it was then reprobated by many. The war between the 
late enentios and friends of the United States, revived reyo- 
lutionary feelings in the breasts of the citizens, and enlisted 
' the stroiiu-est passions of human nature a^aiiist the one, and 
in favour of the other. A wish for the success of France was 
almost universal: and many were willing to hazard the 
peace of their country, by taking an active part in the war 
in her favour. The proclamation was at variance w^itis ti.e 
feelings and the passions of a large portion of the citiz i>s. 
To compel the observance of neutrality under tliese circMn- 
stauces was no easy matter. Hitherto Washington had the 
people with ium; but in this case a large proportion was oa 
Q 2 



the other side. His resolution was nevertheless unshaken; 
and at the risk of popularity he persisted in promoting the 
real good of his fellow-citizens, in opposition to their own 
mistaken wishes and views. 

The tide of popular opinion ran as strongly against Brit- 
ain as in favour of France. The former was accused of 
instigating the Indians to acts of hostility against the United 
States; of impressing their sailors; of illegally capturing 
their ships; and of stirring up the Algerines against them. 
The whole of this hostility was referred to a jealousy of the 
growing importance of the United States. Motions were 
made in congress, for sequestering debts due to British 
subjects; for entering into commercial hostility with Great 
Britain, and even for interdicting all intercourse with her, 
till slie pursued other measures with respect to the United 
States. Every appearance portended immediate war be- 
tween the two countries. The passionate admirers of 
France wished for it; while others, more attached to Brit- 
ish systems, dreaded a war with Great Britain, as being 
likely to throw the United States into the arms of France. 
In this state of things, when war seemed inevitable, the pre- 
sident composed tlie troubled scene by nominating John 
Jay, in April, 1794, envoy extraordinary to the court of 
London. By this measure a truce was obtained, and that 
finally ended in an adjustment of the points in controversy 
between the two countries. The exercise of the constitu- 
tional right of the president to negotiate, virtually suspend- 
ed all hostile legislative measures; for these could not 
with delicacy or propriety be urged, while the executive 
was in the act of treating for an amicable adjustment of dif- 
ferences. A treaty between the U. States and Great Brit- 
ain was the result of this mission. This was pronounced by 
Mr. Jay, "to be Vae best that was attainable, and which he 
believed it for the interest of the United States to accept." 
While the treaty was before the senate for consideration, a 
member, contrary to the rules of that boi'y, furnished an 
editor of a newspaper with a copy of it. 'I his being^pub- 
lished, operated like a spark of fire applied to combustible 
materials. The angry pas»ions which for some short time 
had been smothered, broke out afresh. Some went so far 
as to pronounce the treaty a surrender of their power to 
their late enemy. Great Britain, and a dereliction of their 
tried fnead and ally, France. The more moderate said, 



VJIJJiV/iVVJIAJi t» ."Vv^ IXAi^VH XKJX^i 



tliat too much was given, and two little received. Meetings 
of the people were held at Boston, New York, Philadelphia, 
Baltimoie, Charleston, and several other places, in which 
the treaty was pronounced to be unworthy of acceptance, 
and petitions were agreed upon and forwarded to the pres- 
ident, urging him to refuse his signature to the obnoxious 
instrument. 

These agitations furnished matter for serious reflection 
to the president, but they did not aifecthis conduct, though 
they induced a reiterated examination of the subject. In 
a private letter to a friend, after reciting the importance of 
the crisis, he added, "There is but one straight course, and 
that is to seek truth and to pursue it steadily." It is pro- 
bable that he had early made up his mind to ratify the trea- 
ty as belter tlian none, and infinitely better than war; but 
regretted that it was so generally disliked, and considered by 
many as made with a design to oppress the French Repub- 
lic. Under the weight of his high responsibility, he con- 
soled himself, "that in time when passion shall have yield- 
ed to reason, the current may possibly turn." Peace with 
all the world was his policy, where it could be preserved 
with honour. War he considered as an evil of such mag- 
nitude, as never to be entered upon without the most impe- 
rious necessity. The mission of Mr. Jay was his last effort 
for the preservation of peace with Great Britain. The re- 
jection of the treaty which resulted from this mission, he 
considered as the harbinger of war; for negotiation having 
failed to redress grievances, no alternative but war was left. 
By this prudent conduct, the rising states were preserved 
in peace, but the bickerings of the citizens among them- 
selves, and their animosities against Great Britain, still con- 
tinued. The popularity of the president for the present 
was diminished, but on this he had counted. In a letter 
to general Knox, he observes, "Next to a conscientious 
discharge of my public duties, to carry along with me the 
approbation of my constituents, would be the highest grat- 
ification of which my mind is susceptible. But the latter 
being secondary. I cannot make the former yield to it, un- 
less some criterion more infallible than partial, if they are 
not party meetings, can be discovered as the touchstone ot 
public sentiment. If any person on earth could, or the 
Great Power above would erect the standard of infallibility 
in political opinions, no being that inhabits this terrestrial 



globe, would resort to it with more eagerness than myself, 
so long as I remain a servant of the public. But as Thave 
hitherto found no better guide than upright intentions, and 
close investigation, 1 shall adhere to them while 1 keep the 
watch." 

After the treaty was duly ratified, an attempt was made 
to render it a dead letter, by refusing the appropriations of 
money necessary to carry it into effect. Preparatory to this, 
a motion was made for the adoption of a resoluti<in to re- 
quest the president to lay before the House of Representa- 
tives a copy of his instructions to Mr. Jay, together with 
the correspondence and othei- documents relative to the 
treaty with Great Britain. This involved a new question, 
where the treaty mailing power was constitutionally lodg- 
ed.^ The debate was animated and veiienjent. Appeals 
were made both to reason and passion. After a discussion 
of more than twenty days, the motion was carried in the 
affirmative by a majority of twenty -five votes. VVi\en the 
resolution was presented to the president, he replied, ''•that 
he would take time to consider it." liis situation was pe- 
culiarly delicate; i\\Q passions of the people weie. strongly 
excited against the treaty; the i>o|>ularity of the demand 
being solely for information; the large nsajority by which 
the vote was carried; the suspicions that would probably 
attach in case of relusal, that circumstances had occurred 
in the course (d the negotiation v\liich the president was 
afiaid to publish, added to other weighty considerations, 
would have induced minds of an ordinary texture, to yield 
to tlie request, ^^'ith Washington, popularity was only a 
secondary object. To follow ti.e path of duty and the pub- 
lic good was a primary one. He had sworn to "preserve, 
protect, and defend the constitut.i«)n." In his opinion tiie 
treaty making power was exclusively given by the people 
in convention to the executive, and that the public good re- 
quired that it shouhl be so exercised. Under the influence 
of these solemn obligations, he returned the following an- 
swer to the resolution v/hich had been presented to him. 



'i Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, 

"With the utmost attention I have/considered your res- 
olution of the 24th instant, requesting me to lay before 
your house a copy of the instructions to the minister of the 
United States, who negotiated the treaty with the king of 



IxEOltUK WASHlJNCiTOlS. 193 

Great Britain, together with the correspondence and ether 
documents relative to that treaty, excepting such of the said 
'papers as any existing negotiations may render ina proper to 
be disclosed. 

"In deliberating upon this subject, it was impossible for 
me to lose sight of the principle which some have avowed 

. in its discussion, or to avoid extending my views to the con- 
sequences which must flow from the admission of that prin- 
ciple. 

"1 trust that no part of my conduct has ever indicated a 
disposition to withhold any information which the constitu- 
tion has enjoined it upon the president as a duty to give, or 
which could be required of him by either house of congress 
as a rightj and with truth I affirm, that it has been, as it 
will continue to be, while I have the honour to preside in 
the government, my constant endeavour to harmonize with 
the other branches thereof, so far as the trust delegated to 
me by the people of the United States, and my sense of the 
obligation it imposes, to preserve, protect, and defend the 

.constitution will permit. 

"The nature of foreign negotiations requires caution, 
and their success must often depend on a secrecy; and even 
when brought to a conclusion, a full disclosure of all the 
measures, demands, or eventual concessions, which may 
have been proposed or contemplated, would be extremely 

'impolitic; for this might have a pernicious influence on fu- 
ture negotiations, or produce immediate inconveniences, 
perhaps danger and mischief, to other persons. The ne- 

icessity of such caution and secrecy was one cogent reason 
for vestingi:he power of making treaties in the president 
with the advice and consent of the senate, the principle on 
which that body was formed confining it to a small number 

-of members. 

"To admit then a right in the House of Representatives 
to demand, and to have as a matter of course, all the pa- 
pers respecting a negotiation with a foreign power, would 
be to establish a dangerous precedent. 

"It does not occur that the inspection of the papers ask- 
ed for, can be relative to any purpose under the cogniz.ance 
of the House of Representatives, except that of an impeach- 
ment, which the resolution has not expressed. T repeat 

■that I have no disposition to withhold any information 

iwhich tlie duty of my station will permit, or the public good 



194 THE LIFE OF 

shall require, to be disclosed; and in fact all the papers af- ' 
fecting the negotiation with Great Britain were laid before 
the senate when the -treaty itself was communicuted for 
tlieii consideration and advice. 

**The course which the debate has taken on tlie resolu- 
tion of the h!>u>e, leads to some observations on the mode 
of making treaties under the constitution of the United 
States. 

"iiavingbeen a member of the general convention, and 
knowing tlie principles on which the constitution was forni- 
el, 1 have ever entertained but ^ne opinion upon this sub- 
ject; and from the first establishment of the government 
to this moment, my conduct has exemplified that opinion. 
That the power of n)aking treaties is exclusively vested in 
the president, by and with the advice and consent of the sen- 
ate, provided two thirds of the senators present concur; 
and that every treaty so made and promulgated, thencefor- 
ward becomes the law of the land. It is thus that the trea- 
ty making p'^Jwer has been understood by foreign nations; 
and in all the treaties made with them we have declared, 
and they have believed, that when ratified by the president 
with the advice and consent of the senate, they become ob- 
ligatoiy. In this construction of the constitution, every 
House of Representatives has heretofore acc|uiesce<l, and, 
until the present time, not a doubt or suspicion has appear- 
ed to my knowledge that this construction was not the true 
one. Nay, they have naore than acquiescetl; for until now, 
"without controverting the obligation of such treaties, they 
have made all the requisite provisions for carrying them 
into effect, 

"There is also reason to believe that this construction 
agrees with the opinions eiites tained by the state conven- 
tions, when they were deli erating on the constitution, es- 
pecially by those who objected to it; because there was 
hot re((uired in commercial trx'aties the consent of two- 
thirds of the whole number of the members of the senate, 
instead of tv*'o-third's of the senators present; and because 
in treaties resp(cting territorial and certain other tights 
and claims, the concurrence of thiee-fourths of the whole 
number of the members of both hoUvSes respectively was 
not made necessary. 

"It is a fact declared by the general convention, and uni- 
versally understood, that the constitution of the United 



States was the result of a spirit of amity and mutual conces- 
sion: and it is well known that un-ler this influence, the small- 
er states were admitted to an equal representation in the se- 
nate with the larger states, and tlitt this branch of the govern- 
ment was invested with great powers; for on the equal parti- 
cipation of those powers, the sovereignty and political safe- 
ty of the smaller states were deemed essentially to depend, 

'^If otlier proofs than these, and the plain letter of the 
constitution itself, be necessary to ascertain the point under 
consideration, they may be found in the journals of the 
general convention, which I have deposited in the office of 
the department of state. In these journals it will appear 
that a proposition was made <that no treaty should be bind- 
ing on the United States which was not ratified by a law;' 
and that the proposition was explicitly rejected. 

"As, therefore, it is perfectly clear to my understanding, 
that the assent of the House of Representatives is not ne- 
cessary to the validity of a treaty; as the treaty with Great 
Britain exhibits in itself all the objects requiring legislative 
provision, and on these, the papers called for can throw no 
light; and as it is essential to the due administration of 
the government, that the boundaries fixed by the constitu- 
tion between the ditferetit departments sh.ould be preserv- 
ed; a just regard to the constitution and to the duty of my 
office, under all the circumstances of this case, forbid a 
compliance with your request." 

Though the call for papers was unsuccessful, the favour- 
ers of the resolution for that purpose opposed the appro- 
priations necessary to carry the treaty into effect; but from 
the firmness of the president, the ground was altered. The 
treaty w^as ratifted, and proclaimed to the public as consti- 
tutionally obligatory on the citizens. To refuse appropria- 
tions for carrying it into efi>?ct, would not only incur tiie 
high responsibility of breaking the public faith, but make 
a schism in the government between the executive and leg- 
islative departments. After long and vehement debates, 
in which argument and passion were both resorted to, w ith 
the view of exposing the merits and demerits of the treaty, 
the resolution for bringing in the laws necessary to carry it 
into effect, was carried by a majority of three. Ihcmgh in 
this discussion \Vashington had no direct agency, vet the 
final result in favour of the treaty was the consequence of 



196 THE LIFE UF 

the measures he had previously adopted. For having rati- 
fied the treaty and published it to the world as the law of 
the land, and having in his answer to the request ot the 
House of Representatives, proved that he had a constitu- 
tional right «o to do, the laws necessary for giving effect to 
the treaty, could not be withheld without hazarding the most 
serious consequences. 

The treaty which was thus carried into operation, pro- 
duced more good and less evil than was apprehended. It 
compromised ancient ditferences, produced amicable dispo- 
sitions, and a friendly intercourse. It brought round a 
peaceable surrender of the British posts, and compensation 
for American vessels illegally captured. Though it gave 
up some favourite principles, and some of its articles rela- 
tive to commerce were deemed unequal, yet from Britain, 
as a great naval power, holding valuable colonies and for- 
eign possessions, nothing better, either with or without the 
treaty, could have been obtained. 

After the lapse often years has cooled the minds both of 
the friends and enemies of the treaty, most men will ac- 
knowledge that the measures adopted by Washington with 
respect to it, were founded in wisdom; proceeded from the 
purest patriotism; were carried through with uncommon 
firmness; and finally eventuated in advancing the interests 
of hi* country. 

Thorny and difficult as was the line of policy proper to 
be pursued by Washington with respect to Britain, it was 
much more so in regard to France. The revolution in 
France, and the establishment of the constitution of the 
United States, were nearly cotemporary events. Till about 
the year 1793, perfect harmony subsisted between the two 
countries; but from the commencement of the war be- 
tween France and England, the greatest address was requi- 
site to prevent the United States from being involved in 
war with one or the other, and sometimes with both. Good 
will to France, and hatred to Britain, which had prevailed 
more or less from the peace of 1783, revived with a great 
increase of force on the breaking out of war between the 
two countries. These dispositions were greatly increased 
by the arrival of Mr. Genet, the first minister plenipoten- 
tiary from the republic of France to the United States. He 
landed April 8th, 1793, at Charleston, S. C. the contiguity 
of which to the West Indies, fitted it to be a convenient 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 197 

resort for privateers. By the governor of the state, Wil- 
liam Moultrie, and the citizens, he was received with ar- 
dour approaching to enthusiasm. During his stay, which 
was for several days, he received unequivocal proofs of the 
warmest attacliinent to his person, his country, and its 
cause. Encouraged by these evidences of the good wishes 
of the people for the success of tiie French revolution, he 
undertook to authorize the fitting and arming of vessels in 
that port, enlisting men, and giving commissions to vessels 
to cruise and commit hostilities on nations wi-th whom the 
United States were at peace. The captures made by these 
cruisers were to be tried, condemned, and sold, under the 
authority of Genet, who had not yet been recognised as a 
public minister by the governments 

Similar marks of enthusiastic attachment were lavished 
on Genet as he passed through the country between Charles- 
ton and Philadelphia. At Gray's ferry, over the Schuyl- 
kill, he was met by crowds who flocked to do honour to the 
first ambassador of a republican allied nation. On the day 
after his arrival in Philadelphia., he leceived addresses from 
societies and the inhabitants, who expressed their gratitude 
for the aids furnished by the French nation to the United 
States in their late struggle for liberty and independence, 
and unbounded exultation at the success of the French 
arms. Genet's answers to these addresses were well calcu- 
lated to preserve the idea of a complete fraternity between 
the two nations, and that their interests were the same. 

After Genet had been thus accredited by the citizens of 
Philadelphia, he was presented to the president, and re- 
ceived with expressions of a sincere and cordial regard for 
his nation. In the conversatiais which took place on the 
occasion, Mr. Genet gave the most ex; licit assurances that 
France did not wish to engage the United States in the war 
between his country and Great Britain. 

While Mr. Genet was receiving these flattering marks 
of attention from the people, the British minister preferred 
a long catalogue of complaints against his proceedings at 
Charleston. This was founded on the acts already mention- 
ed, which were calculated to make the United Stites in- 
struments of hostility in the hands of France, against those 
with whom she was at war. These were farther ai^^grava- 
ted by actual hostilities in the territories of the United 
R 



198 THE LIFE OF 

States, The ship Grange, a British vessel, was captured 
by the French frigate I'Ambuscade, within the capes of the 
D laware, while on her way from Philadelphia to the ocean. 
Of this ship, and of other illegal prizes which were in the 
power of the American government, the British minister 
demanded restitution. 

The cabinet council of Washington was unanimous that 
€very independent nation was exclusively sovereign in its 
own territories, and that the proceedings complained of 
were unwarranted usurpations of sovereignty, and violations 
of neutrality; and therefore, must in future be prevented. It 
was also agreed that the efficacy of the laws should be tried 
against those citizens of the United States who had joined 
in the offences complained of. The restitution of the Grange 
was also agreed to; but on the propriety of enforcing the 
restitution of prizes made on the high seas, there w^as a di- 
versity of sentiment, the secretaries of the treasury and of 
war, being for it, and the secretary of state and the attor- 
ney-general against it. The principles on which a concur- 
rence of sentiment had taken place being considered as 
settled, the secretary of state was desired to communicate 
them to the ministers of France and of Biitain; and circu- 
lar letters were written to the governors of the several 
states, requiring them to co-operate with force, if necessa- 
ry, to execute the rules which had been agreed upon. 

Mr. Genet was highly dissatisfied with these determina- 
tions, and considered them as subversive of the treaty be- 
tween the United States and France. His representations 
induced a reconsideration of the subject; but on the most 
dispassionate review of it, no reason appeared for an altera- 
tion of any part of the system. The minister of France 
was further informed, that in the opinion of the president, 
the vessels which had been illegally equipped, should de- 
part from the ports of the United States. 

Mr. Genet, adhering to his own construction of the trea- 
ty between France and the Uaited States, would not ac- 
quiesce in those decisions of the government. Intoxicated 
with the flattering attentions he had received, and ignorant 
of the firmness of the executive, he seems to have expect- 
ed that the popularity of his nation and its cause, would 
enable him to undermine the executive, or render it subser- 
vient to his views. 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 19f 

About this time, two citizens of the United States, who 
had been engaged in Charleston by Mr. Genet, to cruise in 
the service of France, were arrested by the civil authority, 
in pursuance of the determination formed by government 
to prosecute persons who had offended against the laws. 
Mr. Genet demanded their release as French citizens, in 
the most extraordinary terms. This was refused; but on 
trial they were acquitted by the verdict of a jury. 

The minister of the French republic was encouraged to 
this line of opposition, by a belief that the sentiments of the 
people were in his favour. So extravagant was their enthu- 
siastic devotedness to France; so acrimonious weie their 
expressions against all the powers at war with the new re- 
public, that a person less sanguine than Mr. Genet might 
have cherished the hope of being able to succeed so far with 
the people, as, with their support, ultimately to triumph 
over the opposition he experienced. At civic festivals, the 
ensigns of France were displayed in union with those of 
America; at these the cap of liberty passed from head to 
head, and toasts were given expressive of the fraternity of 
the two nations. The proclamation of neutrality was treat- 
I ed as a royal edict, which demonstrated the disposition of 
I the government to break its connexions with France, and 
; dissolve the friendship which united the people of the two 
republics. The scenes of the revolutionary war were 
' brought into view; the effects of British hostility against the 
I United States, and of French aids both in men and money 
I in their favour, were painted in glowing colours. The en- 
I mity of Britain to the United States was represented as con- 
^ tinuing undiminished; and in proof of it their detention of 
' the western posts, and their exciting from these stations the 
neighbouring Indians to make war ott the frontier settlers, 
were urged with great vehemence, and contrasted with the 
amicable dispositions professed by the French republic. It 
was indignanily asked, should a friend and an enemy be 
treated with equal favours? By declamations of this kind 
daily issuino; from the press, the public mind was so inflam- 
jed against the executive, that Genet, calculating on the 
partialities of the people, openly insulted the government; 
and. adhering to his own construction of the treaty, that 
he had a right to do as he had done, threatened to appeal t^ 
the sovereign people against their president. 



To preserve neutrality in such a crisis, was no easy mat- 
ter. V^asshington, atliiering to the principles avowed in his 
late proclamation, and embodied in the declaration of inde- 
pendence, "that the United States would hold all miinkind 
enemies in war, and friends in peace," exerted all his au- 
thority and influence to keep the balance even between the 
belligerents.* 

It was at length resolved by Washington to instruct Mr. 
Morris, tiie minister of the United States at Paris, to re- 
quest the recall of Mr. Genet; and that Mr. Morris should 
be furnished with all the necessary documents to evince the 
propriety of the request. What was asked M'as granted; 
and Mr. Genet's conduct was disapproved by his govern- 
ment. Mr. Fauchet was appointed his successor, who was 
succeeded by Mr. Adet. The latter brought with him the 
colours of France, which he was directed to present to the 
United States. To answer the animated speech of Mr. 
Adet on his presenting the colours, required address. The 
occasion required something affectionate and complimenta- 
ry to the French nation; and yet the guarded policy of 
WashiTigton forbade the utterance of any sentiments which 
might be improper in the chief magistrate of a neutral coun- 
try, when addressing the representative of one of the bellig- 
erent powers. - Impressed with this double view, the presi- 
dent made the following reply: 

"Born, sir, in a land of liberty; having early learned its 
value; having engaged in a perilous conflict to defend it; 
having, in a word, devoted the best years of my life to se- 
cure its jDermanent establishment in my own country; my 
anxious recollections; my sympathetic feelings; and my 
best wishes, are irresistibly attracted, whensoever, in any 
countrv, I see an oppressed nation unfurl the banners of 
freedom. But above all. the events of the French revolu- 
tion have produced the deepest solicitu«ie, as well as the 
highest admiration. To call your nation brave, were to 
pronounce but common praise. Wonderful people! ages 

* If Washington and Horace had been cotemporarles, the world 
would have supposed that the latter had the former in his eye, when 
he penned his famous ode:- — 

"Justum & tenacem propositi virum 
Non civium ardor prava jubentium, 
Non vuhus instantis tyranni 
Mente quatit solida ." 



to come will read with astonishment the history of your 
brilliant exploits. I rejoice that the period of y<»ur toils 
and of your immense sacrifices is apj.roachinj.;. I rejoice 
that the interesting revolutionary movements of so many 
years have issued in the formation of a constitution design- 
ed to give permanency to the great object for which you 
have contended. I rejoice that libert}, which you have so 
long embraced with enthusiasm; liberty, of which you have 
been the invincible defenders, now finds an asylum in the 
bosom of a regularly organized government; a government, 
which, being formed to secure the happiness of the French^ 
people, corresponds with the ardent wishes of my heart, 
while it giatifies the pride of every citizen of the United 
States b\ its rcseusblance to their own. On these glorious 
events, accept sir, my sincere congratulations. 

"In delivering to you these sentiments!, I express not my 
own feelings only, but those of my fellow-citizens, in rela- 
tion to the commencement, the progress, and the issue, of 
the French revolution; and they will certainly join with me 
in purest wishes to the Supreme Being, that the citizens of 
our sister republic, our mji^-nanimous allies, mav soon en- 
joy in peace that liberty which they have puichased at so 
great a price, and all the happiness that liberty can bestows 

"I receive, sir, with lively sensibility, the symbol of tlie tri- 
umphs and of theinfranchisementsof your nation, the couurs 
of France, which you have now presented to tlie United 
States. The transaction will be announced to congress, and 
the colours will be tleposited vith the archives of the Uni- 
ted States, which are at once tbe evidence and the memori- 
als of their freedom and independence. May these be per- 
petual ! and may the friendship of Uie two republics be com- 
Hiensurate with their existence^" 

The successors of Genet continue<l to tread in his steps, 
but with less violence. Thbj' made frequent complaints of 
particular cases of hardship which grew out of the m ar, 
and out of the rules which had been established by the ex- 
ecutive with regard to ships of war, cruizers, and their 
ptizes. They complained particularly that in the tr. aty 
with Great Britain, the principle of "free ships making 
free g:oods," \>as given up: and urued the injustice, v\hile 
French cruizers were restrained by treaty i'mwt taking En- 
glish goods out of Anierican bottoms, that English cruizers. 
. B 2 



1 nrj ijir r^ Tjr 



should be liberated from the same restraint. In vain did 
tlie (executive sliow a willingness to release France from the 
pressure of a situation in which she had voluntarily placed 
herself. Private explanations were made, that neither the 
late treaty made with Britain, nor the arrangements grow- 
ing out ol" it, furnished any real cause of complaint to 
Fraiice. "S^ ith the sanie conciliator}' view, Washington ap- 
pointed Gen. Pinckney minister plenipotentiary to the 
Fiench republic, "to maintain that good understanding, 
wliich from the commencement of the alliance, had subsist- 
ed bet\A'een the two nations, and to efface unfavourable im- 
pressions, banish suspicion, and restore that cordiality \\hich 
was at once tlie evidence and pledge of a friendly union." 
The Directory having inspected his letter of credence, an- 
nounced their haughty determination, "not to receive ano- 
ther minister from the United States, until after a redress 
of grievances deujanded of the American government, which 
tJje French lepublic had a riaht to expect from it." This 
was followed by a written nsandate to Gen. Pinckney. to 
quit the territories < f the republic. To complete the sys- 
tem of hostility, American vessels, wherever found, were 
ca))tured by the French cruizers. 

From this mission Washington expected an adjustment 
of all points in dispute betweejj France and the United States. 
In his opinion, the failure of it was owing to a belief that, 
the American people were in unison witli France, and in 
opposition to their own government; and that high toned 
measures on the part of France, would induce a change of 
rulers in the United States. Before the result of the mis- 
sion was known, AVashington had at his own request ceas- 
ed to be president. H;n ing made peace with the Indians, 
and adjusted all matters in dispute with both Spain and 
Britain, and hoping that an accommodation would soon take 
place with France, after eight years service m the high otlice 
of preijident, at the commencement of which period he found 
the United States in a miserable state of depression, and 
at its ciroclu^ion, left them advancing with gi-antic steps 
in agric dture, commerce, wealth, credit, and reputation, 
and being in the sixty-sixth year of his age, he announced his 
intention of declining a /e-elcction, in full time for the peo- 
ple to make up their mind in the choice of his successor. 
This was done in an address to the people of the United 
States in the following words: 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 20^ 

^''Friends and Fellow 'Citizens, ** 

''The period for a new election of a citizen to adminis- 
ter the executive government of tiie United States being 
not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your 
thoughts must be employed in designating tlie person who 
is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me 
proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct ex- 
pitessipn of the public voice, that I should now apprize yoa 
of the resolution I have formed, to decline being consider- 
ed among the number of those out of whom the choice is to 
be made. 

"I beg yoii at the same time to do me the justice to be 
assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without a 
strict rejrard to all the considerations appertaining to the re- 
lation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that 
in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my 
situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of. 
zeal for your future interest; no deficiency of grateful res- 
pect for your past kindness; but am supported by a full con- 
viction, tliat the step is compatible with both. 

"The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the 
office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have 
been an uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of 
duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your de- 
sire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much ear- 
lier in my power, consistently with motives which I was 
not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from: 
which rhad been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my 
inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even- 
led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; 
but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical 
posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous 
advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to 
abandon the idea. 

"1 rejoice that the state of your concerns, exteinal as 
. well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclina- 
tion incompatible with the sentiment of duty or pro- 
priety; and am persuaded whatever partiality may be re- 
tained for my services, that in the present circumstances of 
our country, you will not disapprove of my determination 
tt) retire. 



«The impressions wiMi which 1 first undertook the arduous 
trust, were exp aine i ontiie propcroccasion. In the discliarge 
of this tt ust, I will onlj say, that I have with good intentions, 
contrilmti'd toward the org;anization and administration of 
the government, the best exertions of which a very fallible 
judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the 
inferiority of my qualifications, experience in n>y own eyes, 
perhaps still more in the eyes of others, have st' engthened the 
motives to diffidence of myself: and every day the increasing 
weight of years admonishes me more and more, that tlie shade 
of retirement is as necessary to me as it would be welcome. 
Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value 
to my services, they were temporary, 1 have the consola- 
tion to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to 
quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. 

"In looking forward to the moment wliich is to termin- 
ate the career of my piditical lite my feelings do not j>er- 
mit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt 
of gratitude which 1 owe to my beloved country, for the 
many honours it has conferred upon n)e; still more for the 
steadfast c-nfidence with which it has supported me: and 
for the opportunities I lia\e thence enjojed of manifesting 
my inviolable a'ttachment, by services faithful and persever- 
ing, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits 
have resulted to our country from these services, let it al- 
ways be remembered to your praise,, and as an instructive 
example in our annals, that under circumstances in wkich 
the passions, Piiitated in every direction, were liable to mis- 
lead: amidst a|>pearances sometimes dubious; vicissitudes 
of fortune often discouraging; in situations in which not 
Ui'tVequently want of success has countenanced the spirit 
of criticism, the constancy of yt>ur support was the essen- 
tial prop of the et!orts and a guarantee of the plans by 
which they were eftVcted. Proloundly penetrated with this 
idea, 1 shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong in- 
citement to unceasing wishes, that hea\en may continue to 
you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union 
and brotherly affection niay be perpetual; that the free con- 
stitution which is the work of your han<ls, may be sacredly 
maintained: th ;t its administration in every departn-.ent 
may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the 
happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. a05 

of libertv, may be made complete, by so careful a preser- 
vatiou and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire 
to them the ..lory of recommending it to the applause, the 
affection, and the adoption, of every nation which is yet a 
stranger to it. 

"Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for 
your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the 
apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me, 
on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn 
contemplation, and to recommend to your freqxient review, 
some sentiments, which are the result of much reflection, 
of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me 
all important to the permanency of your felicity as a peo- 
ple. Tliese will be offered to you with the more freedom, 
as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a 
parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive 
to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encourage- 
ment to it. your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a 
former and not dissimilar occasion. 

"Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every liga- 
ment of your hearts, no recommendation ef mine is neces- 
sary to fortify or confirm the attachment. 

"The unity of g;overnment, which constitutes you one 
people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a 
main pillar in the edifice of your real independence; the 
support of your tranquillity at home; your peace abroad; 
of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty 
which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, 
that from different causes and from different quarters, much 
pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in 
your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the [)oint 
in your political fortress ao;ainst which the batteries of in- 
ternal and external eneuiies will be most constantly and 
actively, though often covertly and insidiously, directed, it 
is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the 
immense value ot your nati(»nal union, to your collective 
and individual hai piness; that you should cherish a cordial, 
habitual, and innnoveable attachment to it; accustoming 
yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of 
your political safety and prosperity; watching for its pre- 
servation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever 
may suggest e>en a su^ricion that it can in any event be 
abandoned; and indignantiy frowning upon the first dawning 



auo THE LIFE OF 

of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country 
from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link 
together the various parts. 

*'For this jou have every inducement of sympathy and 
interest. Citizens by birth or choice of a common country, 
i.tbat country has a right to concentrate your aft'ecticms. 
The name of American, which belongs to you in your na- 
tional capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriot- 
ism, more than any appellation derived from local difecrimi- 
nations. With slight shades of difference, yon have the 
same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. 
You have in a coaimon cause fought and triumphed togeth- 
er; the independence and liberty you possess, are the w6rk 
of joint councils, and joint efforts; of common dangers, suf- 
ferings, and successes. 

"But these considerations, however powerfully they ad- 
dress themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed 
by those which apply more immediately to your nterest. 
Here every portion of our counfry finds the most com- 
manding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the 
vnion of the whole. 

"The norths in an unrestrained intercourse with the 
south, protected by the equal laws of a common govern- 
ment, finds in the productions of the latter, great additional 
resources of maritime and commercial enterprise, and pre- 
cious materials of manufacturing industry. The south in 
the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the north, 
sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turn- 
ing partly into its own channels the seamen of the northj 
it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and while it 
contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the 
general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to 
the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is 
unequally adapted. Tlie east in like intercourse with 
the west, already finds, and in the progressive improve- 
ment of interiour communications, by land and water, 
will more and more find a valuable vent for the com- 
moditiesj which it brings from abroad, or manufactures 
at home. The west derives from the east supplies requi- 
site to its growth and comfort; and what is perhaps of still 
greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the s<^cu?c 
enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions, 
to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strenj^th 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 207 

«f the Atlantic side of the union, directed by an indissolu- 
ble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure 
by which the west can hold this essential advantage, whe- 
ther derived from its own separate strength, or from an 
apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, 
must be intrinssically precarious. 

"While then every part of our country thus feels an im- 
mediate and particular interest in union, all the parts com- 
bined caonot fail to finjd in the united mass of means and 
efforts, greater strengths greater resource, proportionablj 
greater security from external danger, a less frequent in- 
terruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is 
of inestimable value, they must derive from union an ex- 
emption from those broils and wars between themselveg 
which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries, not tied 
together by the same government; which tlieir own rival- 
ships alone would be sufficient to produce; but which oppo- 
site foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues, would stim- 
ulate and embitter. Hence likewise they will avoid the 
necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, 
under any form of g;overnment, are inauspicious to lib- 
erty, and M'hich are to be regarded as particularly hostile 
to republican liberty. lii this sense it is, that your union 
ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty ,^ and 
that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preser- 
vation of the other. 

"These considerations speak a persuasive language to 
€very reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the contin- 
uance of the union as a primary object of patriotic desire. 
Is there a doubt whether a common government can em- 
brace so large a sphere.^ Let experience solve it. To lis- 
ten to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We 
are authorized to hope that a propf^r organization of the 
whole, with the auxiliary ajrency of governments for the 
Yepective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the ex- 
periment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. 
W^ith such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting 
all rarts of our country, while experience shall not have 
dem nstrated its impracticability, there will always be rea- 
son to distrust the patriotism of those who, in any quarter, 
may endeavour to weaken its bands. 

"In contemplating the causes which may disturb our 
union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that anJy 



20a THE LIFE OF 

ground should have been fupHished for characterizing parties 
bj geogra])hical discriminations; northern and SQutliern^ 
Atlantic and western; whence designing men may endeav- 
our to excite a belief that there is a real difference of lo- 
cal interests and views. One of the expedients of party to 
acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepre- 
sent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot 
shield yourselves too much a^-ainst tlie jealousies and heart- 
burnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they 
tend to render alien to each other, those who ought to be 
bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of 
our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this 
head. They have seen, in the negotiation by the execu- 
tive, and in the unanimous ratification by the senate, of the 
treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that 
event throughout the United States, a decisive proof how 
iinfou tided were the suspicions propitgated among them of 
a policy in the general government, and in the Atlantic 
states, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Missis- 
sippi. They have been witnesses to t' e formation of two 
treaties, that with Great Britain and that with Spain, which 
secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to 
©ur foreign relations, toward confirming their prosperity. 
Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of 
these advantages on the union by which they were procur- 
ed? VVill they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if 
such there are, who would sever them from their brethren 
and c )!;nect t sem with aliens.^ 

<'To the e!Scacy and permanency of your union, a gov- 
ernment for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, 
however strict, between the parts, can be an adequate sub- 
stitute; they must inevitably experience th.- iufractions and 
interruptions which all alliances in all times have experi- 
enced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have im- 
proved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitu- 
tion of government, better calculated fnan your former, for 
an iutiinate union, and for the efficacious management of 
your common concerns. This government, the offsnring 
of our own choice, uninfluenced and una ''ed; adopted up- 
on fu'l investigation and mature delibeiation; completely 
free in its princijiles; in the distribution of its powers 
uniting security with energy, and containing^ within itself 
a provision for its own amendments, has a just claim tci 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 20^ 

yoar confidence and your support. Respect for its author- 
ity, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its mea- 
sures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of 
true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right 
of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of 
government. But the constitution which at any time ex- 
ists, until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the 
whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea 
of the power and the right of the people to establish a gov- 
ernment, pre-supposes the duty of every individual to obey 
the established government. 

"All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all com* 
binations and associations, under whatever plausible charac- 
ter, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or 
awe the regular deliberations and action of the constituted 
authorities, are destructive of tliis fundamental principle, 
and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction; ta 
give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put in the 
place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a par- . 
iy, often a small, but artful and enterprizing minority of the 
cojnmunity; and according to the alternate triumphs of 
different parties, to make the public administration the 
mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of fac- 
tion, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome 
plans, digested by common councils, and modified by mutu- 
al interests. 

"However combinations or associations of the above des- 
cription may now and then answer popular ends, they are 
likely, in the course of time and things, to become po- 
tent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprinci- 
pled men, will be enabled to subvert the power of the peo- 
ple, and to usurp for themselves the reins of governmentj 
destroying afterwards the very .engines which have lifted 
them to unjust dominion. 

"Toward the preservation of your government, and the 
permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite not 
only than you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions 
toils acKnowledged authority, but also that you resist with 
care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however 
specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be ta 
effect in the forms of the constitution alterations which will 
impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermiae 
S 



lU 1 HHi Liltfi Ut 



what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to 
which you may be invited,' remember that time and habit 
are at least as necessary to fix the true character of govern- 
ments, as of other human institutions; that experience is the 
surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the 
existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes 
upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to 
perpetual change from the endless variety of hypothesis 
and opinion; and remember, especially, that for the effi- 
cient management of your common interests, in a country so 
extensive as ours, a government of as much vigour as is 
consistent with the perfect security of liberty, is indispen- 
sable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with 
powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guar- 
dian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the gov- 
ernment is too feeble to withstand the enterprizes of fac- 
tion, to confine each member of the society within the lim- 
its prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the se- 
cure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and 
property. 

"I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in 
the state, with particular references to the founding of them 
on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more 
comprehensive view, warn you in the most solemn man- 
ner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, gen- 
erally. 

"This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our na- 
ture, having its root in the strongest passions of the human 
mind. It exists undei different shapes in all governments, 
more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those 
of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and 
is truly their worst enemy. 

"The alternate domination of one faction over another, 
sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissen- 
sion, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated 
the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. 
But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent 
despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, grad- 
ually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose 
in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later 
the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more 
fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the 
purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty^ 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. ^11 

"Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, 
which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of si^jht, 
the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party, 
are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise peo- 
ple to discourage and restrain it. 

"It serves always to distract the public councils, and en- 
feeble the public administration. It agitates the community 
with ill founded jeah)usies and false alarms; kindles the 
animosity of one party agaitist another; foments occasional 
riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influ- 
ence and coiruption, which find a facilitated access to the 
government itself, through the channels of party passions. 
Thus the policy and tlie will of one country, are subjected 
to the policy and will of another. 

"There is an opinion that parties in free countries are 
useful checks upon the administration of the government, 
and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within 
certain limits, is probably true; and in governments of a 
monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if 
not with favour, ^ipon the spirit of party. But in those of 
the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is 
a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, 
it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for 
every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger 
of excess, the elrbrt ought to be, by force of public opinion, 
to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it 
demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a 
flame, lest, instead of warning, it should consume. 

"It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in 
a free country, should inspire caution in those intrusted 
with its administration, to confine themselves within their 
respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise 
of the powers of one department to encro.ich upon another. 
The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers 
of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever 
the form of government, a real despotism. A just esti- 
mate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which 
predominate in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us 
of the truth of this p(j^tion. The necessity of reciprocal ' 
checks in the exercis»of political power, by dividing and 
distributing it into ditlerent depositories, and constituting 
each the guardian of the public weal against invasions of 
the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and 



1 nct luirpj Kjr 



modern; some of them in our country and under our own 
ejes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to insti- 
tute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution 
or modification of the constitutional powers, be in any par- 
ticular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the 
way which the constitution designates. But lettherebe no 
■change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, 
may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon 
by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent 
must always greatly overbalance in "permanent evil, any 
partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time 
yield. 

"Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political 
prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. 
In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who 
should labour to subvert these great pillars of Imman hap- 
piness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citi- 
zens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, 
ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not 
trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. 
Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, 
for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation 
desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation 
in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the 
supposition, that morality, can be maintained without relig- 
ion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of re- 
f ned education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and 
experience both forbid us to expect that national morality 
can prevail in exclusion of religious principles. 

"It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a ne- 
cessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, 
extends with more or less foice to every species of free govern- 
ment. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indif- 
ference upon attem4)ts to shake the foundation of the f.ibric? 

"Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, in- 
stitutions for the general diftusion of knowledge. In pro- 
portion as the structure of a government gives force to pub- 
lic f)})inion, it is essential tliat public opinion should be en- 
lightened. # 

"As a very important source o^j^strength and security, 
cherish public credit. One method of preserviny, it is to 
use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of ex- 
pense by cultivating peace; but remembering also, that 



timely disbursements to prepare for danger, frequently 
prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding 
likewise the accumuiation of debt, not only by shunning 
occasions of expense, but by vigcfrous exertions in time of 
peace, to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may 
have ocassioned. nut ungenei'ously throwing upon posterity 
the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execu- 
tion of these maxims belongs to ^your representatives; 
but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate.-— 
To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it 
"is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that 
•'toward the payment ot debts there must be revenue; that 
to have levenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be 
devised which are not more or less inconvenient and un- 
pleasant; that the intrinsic embairassment inseparable from 
the selection of the pi-oper objects, w'nich is always a choice 
of difficulties, ou2:ht to be a decisive motive for a candid' 
construction of the conduct of the government in making 
it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for ob- 
taining revenue which the public exigencies may at any 
time dictate. 

"Observe good faith and justice toward all nations; culti- 
vate peace {ind harmony with all; religion and morality en- 
join ti^.is conduct; and can it be that ^'ood policy does not 
equally enjuin it.^ It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, 
and, at no distant pe?iod, a great nation, to give to mankind 
the magnaidinousand too novel example of a people always 
guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can 
doubt that in the course of time and things the fruits of such 
a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which 
might be lost by a steady adherence to it.^ Can it be, tlmt 
Providence has not connected the periiianent felicity of a 
nation with its virtue? The experiment at least, is recom- 
mended l'>y every sentiment which ennobles human nature. 
Alas! is' it rendered impossible by its vices? 

"In tiie execution of such a pl.uij nothing is more es- 

1 sential than that permanent inveterate antipathies against i 

1^ particular nUtions, and passionate attachments for others, 

should be excluded; and that in place of them, just and 

I amicable feelings toward all should be cultivated. The 

nation which indulges toward. -another an habitual htitreJ^ 

• or an habitual fondness, is in some degree ^ slave, it is a 

S 2 • 



A 



slave to itsaiiiTnositj or to its. affect ion, either of which is 
sufiicie.nt to lead it astray fion» its dnfy ar.dits. interest. 
Antipathy in one nation agnin-^t.^ another, disposes each 
mora reiulily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of sliji;ht 
causes of uinbraj:;e, and to be hau2;hty and intractabie, when 
accidental or irHling occasions of dispute occur. 

"Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed and 
bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill will and re- 
sentment, sometimes impels to war the gf.vernment, con- 
t!ary to the best calculations of policy. The government 
sometimes participates in the national propensit}^, an<l 
adopts through pa^^sion, what reason would reject; at other 
times it makes the aniip.osity of the nation subservient to 
projects of hostility inslii;ated by piide, ambition and other 
sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, some- 
tijn<^ perhaps the lilierty of nations, has been the victim. 

*'So, likewise, a piissionate attachment of one nation for 
another, produces a variety of evils. - Syn.pathy for tlie fa- 
vourite nation, facilitating; the illusion of an imaginary com- 
mon interest in cases where no real common interest ex-. 
ists, and infusing intjo one the enmities of the other,betrays 
the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of 
the latter, without adequate inducements or justification. 
It leads also to concessions to the favourite nation, of priv- 
ile.2;es denied to others, which are apt doubly to injure the 
nation making the concessions, by unnecessaiily parting 
with what ou,o;ht to have been retained; and by excitipg 
jealousy, illvvill. an<l a disposition to retaliate, in the parties 
fro?n whom equal privilejn.'s ai e withheld; and it 2;ives to 
amhilims, corrupted, ord.eUn'ed citizens, whodevote tl.em- 
s^^'lves to tbiQ favourite nation, facility to betray, or sacrifice 
rf-e interests of th.cir own country, witliout odium, some- 
times even with popularity; gilding with the aprearances 
of a virtuous sense of obiipition a conuv.euc'able deference 
for public opinion, or a laudalde zeal for public good, the 
base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or in- 
fatuatio!;. 

"As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, 
such attcichments are particularly alarmin<i; to the truly en- 
]i'j:''.tej!0{| and independent patriot. How many opportu- 
nities do they a^^ord to tamper with domestic factions, to 
practi-e thie arts of seduction, t6 mislead public opinion, to 
inilueiice or awe the public councils! Such an attachment 



of a small or weak, toward a o;reat and powerful nation, 
(looms the former to be the satellite of the latter. Against 
th.e insidious wiles of foreign influence, I conjure you to- 
believe me, fellow-citizen^, the jealousy of a free people 
ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience 
prove that foreign iniluence is one of the most baneful foes 
of ropubiican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, 
must be impartial; eWe it becotnes the instrument of the 
rery influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against 
it. Excessive partiality for one fortiirn nation, and exces- 
sive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to 
see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even se- 
cond the arts of influence on tliC otlier. Real patriots, who 
may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to be- 
come suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp 
the applause and conlidence of the people, to surrender 
their interests. 

"The great rule of conduct*for us, in regard to foreign 
nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have 
with them as little p(di(ic •] connexions as possible. So far 
as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfill- 
ed with pej feet good faith. Here let us stop. 

"Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have 
none, or a very remote, relation. Hence she must be en- 
g;5ged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are 
essentially forn^n to our concerr.s. Hence, therefore, it 
must be unv\ise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial 
ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the or- 
dinary combinations and collisions other friendships or en- 
mities. ' • 

"Our detached and distant situation, invites and enables 
us to pursue a dilferetit course. If we remain one people, 
un<ler an efficient government, the period is not far off, 
when we may defy material injury from external annoy- 
ance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the 
neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupu- 
lously respected; when belligerent nations, under the im- 
possibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly 
hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace 
or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. 

"Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? 
Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground.'' Why, by 
interweaving our destiny with that of any part ot Europe, 



entanjjle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European 
ambition, rivalsliip, interest, humour, or caprice? 

"It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent allian- 
ces with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, 
as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be under- 
stood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engage- 
ments, I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than 
to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I 
repeat it, therefore, let those eni2;agetnents be observed iu 
their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary,' 
and would be unwise to extend them. 

"Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable estab- 
lishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely 
ti^ust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. 

"Harmony, and a libera! intercourse with all nations, are 
recommended by policy, humanity, ami interest. But even 
our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial 
hand; neither seeking noi* granting exclusive fiivours or 
preferences; consulting the natural course of things; dif- 
fusing and diversifying by gentle means, the streams of 
commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers 
so disposed, in order to' give trade a stable course, to define 
the rights of our merchants, and to enable the got'ernment 
to support them; conventional rules of intercourse, the best 
that present circumstances and mutual opinion will per- 
mit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time aban- 
doned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dic- 
tate; constantly kee])ingin view, that it is folly in one na- 
tion to look for disinterested favours from another; that it 
must pay with a portion of its independence foV whatever it 
may accept und6r that character; thf^t by such acceptance 
it may place itself in the condition of having given equiva- 
lents for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached with 
ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater 
errour than to expect or calculate upon real favours from na- 
tion to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, 
which a just pride oug!»t to discard. 

"In offering to you my countrymen these councils of an 
old and a}fecti<Hjate friend, [ dare not hope they will make 
the strong and lasting impression I could wish;. that they 
will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent 
our nation from running the course which has hitherto 



marlced the destiny of nations. But if I may flatter myself, 
that they maybe productive of some partial benefit, some oc- 
casional good; that they nmy now and then recur to moderate 
the fury of party spirit; to warn against the mischiefs of for- 
eign intrigue; to guard against the impostures of pretended 
patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solic- 
itude for your welfare, by winch they have been dictated. 

"How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have 
been guided by the principles which have been delineated, 
the public records and other evidences of my conduct must 
witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance 
of my own conscience is-, that I have at least believed my- 
self to be guided by them. 

"In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my 
-:prochimation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my 
plan. ^Sanctioned to your approving voice, and by that of 
your representatives in both houses of congress, the spirit 
•of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced 
by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. 

"After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best 
lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, 
under all the circumstances of the case^ had a right to take, 
I and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral posi- 
( tion. Having taken it, 1 determ.ined, as far as should de- 
L pend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, persever- 
'i ance and firnuiess. 

"The considerations which respect the right to hold this 
conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I 
will only observe, that according to my understanding of 
the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of 
the belligerent pov»ers, has been virtually admitted by all. 

"The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, 

without any thing more, from the obligation which justice 

.and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it 

•is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace 

and amity toward other nations. 

"Tiie inducements of interest for observing that con- 
duct will best be referred to your own reflections and expe- 
rience. With me, a predominant motive has been to en- 
deavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its 
yet recent institutions, and to progress, 'without intet rup- 
.tion, to that degree of strength and consistency, which is 



218 THE LIKE OB 

necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its 
own fortunes. 

"Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, 
I am unconscious of intentional enoiir; I um neveitheless 
too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I 
may have committed matiy errouis. Wltatever they may 
be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate 
the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with 
me the hope that my cauntry will never cease to view thein 
with indulgence; and tliat alter forty-live years of my life 
dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of 
iw competent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as my- 
self must soon be to the mansions of rest. 

"Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and 
actuated by that fervent love toward it, which is so natu- 
ral to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and 
his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with 
pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself 
to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, 
in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of 
good laws, under a free government; the ever favourite ob- 
ject of my heart, and the happy reward, as 1 trust, of our 
mutual cares, labours, and dangers. 

^'United States, September 17, 1796." 

This valedictory address of the father of his country, 
was received in every pait of the union with the most un- 
bounded veneration, and recorded with the most pointed 
respect. Simrtly after, the president, for the last time, met 
the natioiial legislature in tlie senate chamber. His address 
on the occasion was highly dignified. He congratulated 
congress on the internal situation of the United States; on 
tlie progress which hati been made for preserving peace 
with the Indians, and meliorating their condition; and after 
stating the measures which had been adopted in execution 
of the treaties with Britain, Spain and Algiers, and the ne- 
gotiations which were pending with Tunis and Tripoli, he 
observed, "To an active external connnerce, the protec- 
tion of a naval force is indispensible. This is manifested 
with regard to wars in which a state iis itself a party. But 
beside this, it is in our own experience, that the most sincere 
neutrality is not a sufficient guard against the depredations 
of nations at war. To secure respect to a neutral flag re- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. ^ S19 

crDires a naval force, organized and ready to vindicate it from 
insult or aggression*. This may even prevent the necessity 
©f going to war, by discouraging belligerent powers from 
committing such violations of the rights of the neutral party 
as may first or last leave no other option. From the best in- 
formation I have been able to obtain, it would seem as if our 
trade to the Mediterranean, without a protecting force, will 
always be insecure, and our citizens exposed to the calami- 
ties from which numbers of them have but just been relieved. 

"These considerations invite the United States to look t(^ 
t^iie means, and to set about the gradual creation of a navy. 
The increasing progress of their navigation, promises them* 
at no distant period, the requisite supply of seamen, and 
their means in other respects, favour the undertaking. It 
h an encouragement likewise, that th^ir particular situation 
will give weight and influence to a moderate naval force in 
tiieir hands. Will it not then be advisable to begin with- 
out delay, to provide and lay up the materials for the build- 
ing and equipping of ships of v/ar, and to proceed in the 
work by degrees, in proportion as our resources shall render 
it practicable, without inconvenience; so that a future war 
of Europe may not find our commerce in tlie same unpro- 
tected state in which it was found by the present.^" 

He then reccommended the establishment of national 
works for manufacturing implements of defence; of an in- 
stitution for the improvement of agriculture; and pointed 
out the advantages of a military academy; of a national 
university; and the necessity of augmenting the salaries of 
the oflicers of the United States. 

In respect to the disputes with France, he observed, 
*'While in our external relations some serious inconven- 
iences and embarrassments have been overcome, and others 
llessened, it is with much pain and deep regret I mention, 
'that circumstances of a very unwelcome nature have lately 
[occurred. Our trade has suffered, and is suffering, exten- 
Jfiive injuries in the West Indies, from the cruizers and 
agents of the French republic; and communicatioes have 
^een received from its minister here, which indicate the 
Uanger of a further disturbance of our commerce by iti 
9.uthority; and which are in other respects far from agree- 
able. 



220 THE LIFE OF 

"It has been my constant, sincere and earnest wish, in 
conformity with that of our nation, to maintain cordial har- 
mony, and a perfect friendly understanding with that re- 
public. This wish remains unabated, and I shall persevere 
in the endeavour to fultil it, to the utmost extent of what 
shall be consistent with a just and indispensible regard to 
the rights and honour of oui- country; nor will I easily cease 
to cherish the expectation, tliat a spirit of justice, candour 
and friendship, on the part of the republic, will eventually 
gnsure success. 

"In pursuing this course, however, I cannot forget what 
"•^s due to the character of our government and nation, or to 
a full and entire confiilence in the good sense, patriotism, 
self-respect, and fortitude of ray countrymen." 

This address was concluded in the following pathetic 
terms: 

"The situation in which T now stand for the last time, in 
the midst of the representatives of the people of the United 
States, naturally recalls the period when the administra- 
tion of the present form of government commenced; and 
I cannot omit the occasion to con2:ratulate you and my 
country on the success of the experiment, nor to repeat my 
fervent supplications to the Supreme Ruler of the universe, 
and Sovereign Arbiter of nations, that his providential care 
may still be extended to the United States; that the virtue 
and happiness of the people may be preserved; and that 
the government which they have instituted for the protec- 
tion of their liberties may be perpetual." 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. S21 



CHAPTER Xin, 



Washington rejoices at the prospect of retiring'. Writes to the 
Secretary of State, denying" the authenticity of letters said to be 
from him to J. P. Custis and Lund Washington, in 1776. Pays 
respect to his successor, Mr. John Adams* Review of M^ashing- 
ton's administration. He retires to Mount Vernon. Resumes 
agricultural pursuits. Heai's wdth regret the aggression of the 
French republic. Coi*responds on the subject of his taking the 
command of an army to oppose the French. Is appointed Lieuten- 
ant General. His commission is sent to him by the Secretary of 
War, His letter to President Adams on the receipt thereof Di- 
lects the organization of the proposed army. Three Envoys Ex- 
traordinary sent to France, who adjust all disputes with Bona- 
parte, after the overthrow of tlie Directory. Gen. Washington 
dies. Is honoured by Congress, and by the citizens. His char- 
acter. 



The pleasing emotions which are excited in ordinary 
men on their acquisition of power, were inferior to those 
which Washington felt on the resignation of it. To his tried 
friend, Gen. Knox, on the day preceding the termination of 
his office, he observed in a letter: "To the weary traveller 
who sees a resting place, and is bending his body thereon, 
I now compare myself. Although the prospect of retire- 
ment is most grateful to my soul, and I have not a wish to 
mix again in Ihe great world, or to partake in its politicks, 
yet I am not without regret at parting with, j?erhaps never 
more to meet, the few intimates whom I love. Among 
these be assured you are one." 

The numerous calumnies of which Washington was the 
subject, drew from him no public animadversions, except 
in one case. \ volume of letters, said to be from general 
Washington to John Parke Custis and Lund Washington, 
' were published by the British, in the year 1776, and were 
given to the public as being found in a small portmanteau 
left in the care of his servant, wb.o it was said by the editors, 
had been taken prisoner in Fort Lee. These letters were 
T 



2^22 THE LIFE OF 

intended to produce in the public mind, impressions un- 
favourable to the integrity of Washington's motives, and to 
represent his inclinations at variance with his profession 
and duty. When the first edition of these spurious letters 
was forgotten, they were republished during Washington's 
civil administration, by some of his fellow-citizens who dif- 
fered from him in politicks. On the morning of the last 
day of his presidency, he addressed a letter to the secretary 
of state, in which, after enumerating all the facts and dates 
connected with the forgery, and declaring tliat he had hither- 
to deemed it unnecessary to take any formal notice of the 
imposition, he concluded as follows: "But as I cannot know 
how soon a more serious event may succeed to that which 
will this day take place, I have thought it a duty that I 
owed to myself, to my country, and to truth, now to detail 
the circumstances above recited, and to add my solemn 
declaration, that the letters herein described, are a base 
forgery; and that I never saw or heard of them until they 
appeared in print. The present letter I commit to your 
care, and desire it may be deposited in the office of the 
department of state, as a testimony of the truth to the 
present generation and to posterity." 

The moment now approached which was to terminate the 
pfficial character of Washington, and in which that of his 
successor, John Adams, was to commence. The old and 
new president walked together to the House of Represen- 
tatives, where the oath of office was administered to the 
latter. On this occasion Mr. Adams concluded an impres-- 
sive speech with a handsome compliment to his predeces- 
sor, by observing, that though he was about to retire, "his 
name may still be a rampart, and the knowledge that he 
lives a bulwark against all open or secret enemies of his 
country." 

The immense concourse of citizens who were present, 
gazed with love and affection on tlie retiring Washington, 
while cheerfulness overspread his countenance and joy fdl- 
ed his heart, on seeing another invested with the high au- 
thorities he 80 long exercised, and the way opened for his 
retaining to tne loriu; wished for happiness of (hunestic pi • ate 
life. After paving his most respectful compliments to the 
new president! he set out for Mount Vernon, the scene of 
eiijoyment which he preferred to all others. Ilis wishes to 
travel privately were in vain; for wherever he passed, the 



GEOTIGE WASHINGTON. 22^3 

gentlemen of thecountry took every occasion of testifving 
their lespect for him. In his retirement he continued ta 
receive the most flattering addresses from legislative bodies 
and various classes of his fellow-citizens. 

During the eight years administration of Washington,. 
the Uniicd States enjoyed prosperity and happiness at home; 
and, by the energy of tlje government, regained among 
foreigners that importance and reputation, which by its 
weakness they had lost. The de')ts contracted in the revolu- 
tionary war, which, from t!ie imbecility of the old govern- 
ment, had depreciated to an insignificant sum, were fundedf 
and such an^ple revenues provided for tb.e payment of the in'- 
terest and the gradual extinction of the principal, that their 
real and nominal value were in a little time nearly the 
same. Tiie government was so Pa-mly establislied as to be 
cheerfaliy and universally obeyed. . The only exception, 
was an insurrection in the western counties of Pennsjd- 
vania, which was quelled without bloodshed. Agriculture 
and commerce were extended far beyond what had ever 
before taken place. The Indians on the frontiers had been 
first compelled by force to respect the United States, and 
to continue in peace: and afterwards a humane system was 
commenced for teaching tliem to exchange the tomahawk 
and hatchet for the plough, the hoe, the shuttle, and the 
spinning wheel. The free navigation of the Missisipi)i had 
been acq-iired with the consent of Spain, and all differences 
compromised with that power. The Uiilitary posts which 
had been long held by Britain within the United States, 
were peaceably given up. The Mediterranean was opened 
tf) American vessels in consequence of treaties made with* 
the Barbary pov/ers. Indeed, differences with all powers, 
either contiguous to or connected with the United States, 
had been amicably adjusted, with the exception of France. 
To accomplish this very desirable object, Washinf>-toii 
made repeated advances;' but it could not be obtained 
wi*lmut surrendering the independence of the nation, and 
its right of self-government. 

Washington, on returning to Mount Vernon, resumed 
agricultural pursuits. These, with the society of men and 
books, gave to every hour iiniocent and interesting employ- 
ment, and promised a serene evening of his life. Though 
he wished to witlidraw not only from public oiTice, but from, 
all anxiety respecting public affairs, yet he felt too much 



A. 



224 THE LIFE OF 

for his country to be indifferent to its interests. He heard 
with regret the repeated insults offered by the French Di- 
rectory to the United estates, in the person of their minis- 
ters, and the injury done to their commerce by illegal cap- 
tures of their vessels. These indignities and injuries, after 
a long indu ranee and a rejection of all advances for an ac- 
commodation, at length roused the government, in the 
hands of Mr. Adams, to adopt vigorous measures. To be 
in readiness to repel a threatened invasion, congress author- 
ized the formation of a regular army. As soon as the adop- 
tion of tliis measure was probable, the eyes of all were once 
more turned on Washington as the most suitable person to 
be at its head. Letters from his friends poured in upon him, 
urging that he should accept the command. To one from 
president Adams, in which it was observed: ''We must 
have your name if you will in any case permit us to use it; 
there will be more efficacy in it, than in many an army." 
Washington replied as follows: "At the epoch of my retire- 
ment an evasion of these states by any European power, or 
even the probability of such an event in my days, was so 
far from being contemplated by me, that 1 had no conception 
either that, or any other occurrence, would arrive in so 
short a period, which could turn my eyes from the shades 
of Mount Vernon. But this seems to be the age of wonders; 
and it is reserved for intoxicated and lawless France, for 
purposes far beyond the reach of human ken, to slaughter 
her own citizens, and to disturb the repose of all the world 
beside. From a view of the past; from the prospect of the 
present; and of that which seems to be expected, it is not 
easy for me to decide satisfactorily on the part it mi^ht 
best become me to act. In case of actual invasion by a for- 
midable force, I certainly should not entrench myself under 
the cover of age and retirement, if my services should be 
required by my country to assist in repelling it. And if there 
be good cause to expect such an event, which certainly 
must be better known to thegovernmentthan to private«it- 
izens, delay in preparing for it may be dangerous, improp- 
er, and not to be justified by prudence. The uncertainty, 
however, of the latter, in my mind, creates my etnbarrass- 
ment, for I cannot bring it to believe, regardless as the 
French are of treaties and of the laws of nations, and ca- 
pable as I conceive them to be of any species of despotism 
and injustice, that they will attempt to invade this country? 



after such a uniform and unequivocal expression of the de- 
termination of the people in all parts to oppose them with 
their lives and fortunes. That they have been led to be- 
lieve by their agents and partisans among us, that we are a 
divided people; that the latter are opposed to their own gov- 
ernment; and that the show of a small force would occa- 
sion a revolt, I have no doubt; and how far these men, 
grown desperate, will further attempt to deceive, and may 
succeed in keeping up the deception, is problematical. — 
Without that, the folly of the directory in such an attempt 
would, I conceive, be more conspicuous, if possible, than 
their wickedness. 

"Having with candour made this disclosure of the state 
of my mind, it remains only for me to add, that to those 
who know me best it is best known, that should imperious 
circumstances induce me to exchange once more the 
smooth paths of retirement for the thorny ways of public 
life, at a period too when repose is more congenial to na- 
ture, that it would be productive of sensations which can 
be more easily conceived than expressed." 

To Jhe Secretary of War, writing on the same subject, 
Wasiliington replied; "it cannot be necessary for me to 
premise to you, ©r to others who know my sentiments that 
to quit the tranquillity of retirement, and enter the bound- 
less field of responsibility, would be productive of sensa- 
tions which a better pen than I possess would find it diffi- 
cult to describe. Nevertheless the principle by which my 
conduct has been actuated through life, would not suiFer 
me, in any great emergency, to withhold any ^e' vices I 
could render when required by my country; espe*^! lly, in 
a case where its dearest rights are assaih d by lav/less am- 
bition and intoxicated power, in contempt of every princi- 
ple of justice, and in violation of solemn compact, and of 
laws which govern all civilized nations; and this too, with 
the obvious intent to sow thick the seeds of disunion, for 
the purpose of subjugating our government, and destroy- 
ing our independence and happiness. 

"Under circumstances like these, accompanied by an 
actual invasion of our territory, it would be difficult for me 
\ at any time to remain an idle spectator, under the plea of 
age or retirement. With sorrow, it is true, I should quit 
the shades of my peaceful abode, and the ease and happi- 
ness I now enjoy, to encounter anew the turmoils of war, 
T 2 



to which possibly my strength aiTd powers might be found 
incompetent. These, however, should not be stumbling ' 
blocks in my own way." 

President Adams nominated Washington with the rank 
of lieutenant-general, to the chief command of all the 
armies raised and to be raised in the United States. His 
commission was sent to him by Mr. M' Henry, the secre- 
tary of war, uho was directed to repair to -Mount Vernon, 
and to confer on the arrange'ments of the new army with its 
commander in chief. To the letter which president Adams 
sent with the commission by the secretary of war, Wash- 
ington in two davs replied as follows: 

*'l had tlse h(>n<)ur, on the evening of the 11th instant, to 
receive from the hand of the secretary of war, your favour 
of the 7th, announcing tiiat you had, with the advice and 
consent of tiie senate, appointed me 'lieutenant-general 
and commander in chief of all the armies raised, or to be 
raised for the service of the United States.' 

'4 cannot express how greatly affected I am at this new 
proof of pul.ilic confidence, and the highly flattering man- 
ner in which you have been pleased to. make the communi- 
cation. At the same time 1 must not conceal from you my 
earnest wish, that the choice had fallen upon a man less 
declined in years, and better qualified to encounter the usu- 
al vicissitudes of war. 

You know, sir, what calculation I had made relative to 
the probable course of events, on my retiring from office, 
and the determination I had consoled myself with, of clos- 
'ing the remnant of my days in'uiy present peaceful abode. 
You will, therefore, be at no loss to conceive and appreciate 
tiie sensations I must have experienced, to bring my mind 
to any conclusion that would pledge me, at so late a period 
of life, to leave scenes I sincerely love, to enter upon the 
boundless field of public action, incessant trouble, and high 
resp'iTisibility. 

*'It was not possible for me to remain ignorant of, or in- 
different 1o recent transactions. The conduct of the Di- 
rectory of France, toward our country; their insidious 
hostility to its government; their various practices to with- 
draw the alfecti(!ns of the people from it; the evident ten- 
dency of their acts, and those of their agents, to counte- 
nance and iiivigorate opposititm; their disjegard of solemn 
treaties and ih^ laws of nations; their war upon our de- 



fenceless commerce; their treatment of our ministers of 
peace; and their demands, amounting to tribute, could 
not fail to excite in me corresponding sentiments with those 
my countrymen have so generally expressed in their affec- 
tionate addresses to you. Believe me, sir, no one can more 
cordially approve of the wise and prudent measures of 
your administration. They ought to inspire universal con- 
fidence, and will, no doubt, combined with the state of 
things, call from congress such laws and means, as will ena^ 
ble you to meet the full force and extent of the crisis. 

"Satisfied, therefore, that you have sincerely wished and 
endeavoured to avert war, and exhausted to the last drop, 
the cup of reconciliation, we can with pure hearts ap- 
peal to Heaven for the justice of our cause: and niay confi- 
dently trust the final result to that kind Providence'who has 
lieretofore, and so often, signally favoured the people of 
these United States. 

"Thinking in this manner, and feeling how incumbent itis 
upon every person of every description, to contribute at all 
times to his country's v/elfare, and especially in a moment 
like the present, when every thing we hold dear and sacred 
is so seriously threatened; I have finally determined to ac- 
cept the commission of commander in chief of the armies 
of the United States; with the reserve only, that I shall 
not be called into the field until the army is in a situation 
to require my presence, or it becomes indispeasable by the 
urgency of circumstances. 

'•In making this reservation, I beg it to be understood 
that I do not mean to withhold any assistance to arrange and 
organize the army, which you may think I can afford. I 
take the liberty also to mention, that I must decline having 
my acceptance considered as drawing after it any immedi- 
diate charge upon the public: or that I can receive any 
emoluments annexed to the appointment, before entering in- 
to a situation to incur expense." 

The time of Washington after the receipt of this ap- 
pointment, was divided between agricultural pursuits, and 
the cares and attentions which were imposed by his new 
office. Tiie organization of the army was in a great mea- 
sure left to him. Much of his time was employed in mak- 
ing a proper selection of officers, and airanging the whole 
army in the best possible manner to meet the invaders at the 
water's edge; for he contemplated a system of continued 



attack, and frequently observed, <«that the enemy must ne- 
ver be permitted to gain foothold on the shores of the Uni- 
ted States." Yet he always thought that an actual invasion 
of the country was very improbable. He believed that the 
hostile measures of France took their rise from an expec- 
tation that these measures would produce a revolution of 
power in the United States, favourable to the views of the 
French republic; and that when the spirit of the Ameri- 
cans was roused, the French would give up the contest. — 
Events soon proved that these opinions were well founded; 
for no sooner had the United States armed, than they were 
treated with respect, and an indirect contmunication was 
made that France would accommodate all matters in dis- 
pute on reasonable terms. Mr. Adams embraced these 
overtures, and made a second appointment of three envoys 
extraordinary to the French republic. These, on repair- 
ing^^ France, found the Directory overthrown, and tiie gov- 
ernment in the hands of Bonaparte, who had taken no part 
in the disputes which had brought the two countries to the 
verge of war. With him negotiations were commenced, 
and soon terminated in a pacific settlement of all differen- 
ces. The joy to which this event gave birth was great; 
but in it general Washington did not partake, for before ac- 
counts arrived of this amicable adjustment, he ceased to be 
numbered with the living. 

On the IS^h of December, 1799, his neck and hair were 
sprinkled with a light rain, while he was out of doors at- 
tending to some improvements on his estate. In the fol- 
lowing night he was seized with an inflammatory affection of 
the windpipe, attended with pain and a difficult deglutition, 
which was soon succeeded by ^ever,^ and a laborious respi- 
ration. He was bled in the night, but would not permit his 
family physician to be sent for before day. About eleven 
o'clock, A. M. Dr. Craik arrived, and rightly judging that 
the case was serious, recommended that two consulting phy- 
sicians.should be sent for. The united powers of all three 
were in vain; for in about twenty-four hours from the time he 
was in his usual health, he expired without a struggle, and 
in the perfect use of his reason. 

In every stage of his disorder he believed that he should 
die, and he was so much under this impressiim, that he sub- 
mitted to the prescriptions of his physicians more from a 
sense of duty than expectation of relief. After he had 



VJJLiV^A^iVJIJLJ »T -rXUXiX-L^ VJI X V^X^ , 



given them a trial, he expressed a wish that he might be per- 
mitted to die without farther interruption. Toward the 
close of his illness, he undressed himself and went to bed, 
to die there. To his friend and physician, Dr. Craik, he 
said, ''I am dying, and have been dying for a long time, but 
1 am not afraid to die." The equanimity which attended 
him through life, did not forsake him in death. He was the 
same in that moment as in all the past, magnanimous and 
firm; confiding in the mercy and resigned to the will of 
Heaven. He submitted to the inevitable stroke with the 
dignity of a man, tlie calmness of a philosopher, the resig- 
nation and confidence of a christian. 

On the I8th, his body, attended by military honours 
and the offices of religion, was deposited in the family vault 
"on his estate. 

When intelligence reached congress of the death of 
Washington, they instantly adjourned until the next day, 
when John Marshal, then a member of the House of Re- 
presentatives, and since chief justice of the United States, 
and biographer of Washington, addressed the speaker iu 
the following words: 

"The melancholy event which was yesterday announced 
^ with doubt, has been rendered but too certain. Our Wash- 
ington is no more. The hero, the patriot, and the sage of 
America; the man on whom in times of danger every eye 
was turned and all hopes were placed, lives now only in 
his ov/n great actions, and in the hearts of an affectionate 
and afiiicted people. 

"If, sir, it had even not been usual openly to testify re- 
spect for the memory of those whom Heaven has selerted 
as its instruments for dispensing good to man, yet such has 
been the uncommon worth, and such the extraordinary in- 
cidents which have marked the life of him whose loss we 
all deplore, that t4ie whole American nation, impelled by 
the same feelings, who call with one voice for a public man- 
ifestation of that sorrow, which is so deep and so univer- 
sal. 

"More than any other individual, and as much as to one 
individual was possible, has he contributed to found this 
our wide spreading empire, and to give to the western 
world, independence and freedom. 

"Having effected the great object for which he was pla- 
ced at the head of our armies, we have seen him convert the 



sword into the ploughshare, and sink the soldier into the 
citizen. 

*'When the debility of our federal system had become 
manifest, and tlie bonds which connected this vast conti- 
nent were dissolvingj we have seen him the chiert)f those 
patriots who f'o-rmed torus a constitution, which, by preser- 
ving the union, will, I trust, substantiate and perpetuate 
those blessino;s which our revolution iiad promised to bestow, 

*'In obedience to the general voice of his country, call- 
ing him to preside over a great people, we have seen him 
once more quit the retirement he loved, and in a season 
more stormy and tempestuous than war itself, with calm 
and v.'ise determination pursue the true interests of the na- 
tion, and contribute more than any other could contribute, 
to the establishment of that system of policy, which will, 
I trust, yet preserve our peace, our honour, and our inde- 
pendence. 

"Having been twice unanimously chosen the chief mag- 
istrate of a free people, we have seen him, at a time when 
his re-election with universal suffrage could not be doubted, 
afford to the world a rare instance of moderation, by with- 
drawing from his station to the |)eaceful walks of private life. 

"However the public confidence may change, and the 
public affections fluctuate with respect to oth.ers, with re- 
spect to him they have, in war and in peace, in public -snd 
in private life, been as steady as his own firm mind, a^id as 
constant as his own exalted virtues. 

"Let u^ then, Mr. Speaker, pay the last tribute of res- 
pect and affection to our departed friend. Let the grand 
council of tlie natfon display those sentiments which the na# 
tion feels. For this purpose I hold in my hand some reso- 
lutions which I take the liberty of offering to the House. 

"Resolved, that this House will u ait on the president, 
in condolance of this mournful event. 

"Resolved, That the speaker's chair be shrouded with 
black, and that the members and oiiicers of theiiouse wear 
black during the session. 

"Resolved, That a committee, in conjunction with one 
from the Senate, be appointed to consider on the most 
suitable manner of paying honour to the memory of the 
man, first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of 
his fellow-citizens." 

The Senate of tlie United States, on this melancholy oc- 
casion, addressed to the president a letter in these words: 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 231 

"The Senate of the United States respectfully take leave, 
sir, to express to you their deep regret for the loss tiieir 
country sustains in the death of Gen. George Washington. 
"This event, so distressing to all our fellow-citizens, 
must be peculiarly heavy to you, who have long been asso- 
ciated with him in deeds of patriotism. Permit us, sir, to 
mingle our tears with yours. On this occasion it is manly 
to weep. To lose such a man, at such a crisis, is no com- 
mon calamity to the world. Our country mourns a father. 
The Almighty Disposer of human events, has taken from 
us our greatest benefactor and ornament. It becomes us to 
submit with reverence to him 'who maketh darkness his 
pavillion.' 

"With patriotic pride we review the life of our Wash- 
ington, and compare him with those of other countries who 
have been pre-eminent in fame. Ancient and modern times 
are diminished before him. Greatness and guilt have too 
often been allied; but his fame is whiter than it is brilliant. 
The destroyers of nations stood abashed at tlie majesty of 
his virtues: It reproved the intemperance of their ambi- 
tion, and darkened the splendour of victory. The scene is 
closed, and we are no longer anxious lest misfortune sliould 
sully his glory; he has travelled on to the end of his jour- 
(•ney and carried with him an increasing weight of honour; 
he has deposited it safely where misfortune cannot tarnish, 
it; where malice cannot blast it. Favoured of Heaven, he 
xlepnrted without exhibiting the weakness of humanity. 
Magnanimous in death, the darkness of the grave could 
not obscure his brigb.tness. 

"Such was the man whom we deplore. Thanks to God, 
his glory is consummated. AVashington yet lives on earth 
in his spotless example: his spirit is in heaven. 

"Let his countrymen consecrate the memory of the heroic 
general, the patriotic statesman, and the virtuous sage.-— 
Let them teach their children never to forget, that the 
fruits of his labours and his example are their inheritance." 

To this address, the president returned the fallowing 
answer: 

"I receive with the most respectful and affectionate sen- 
timents, in this impressive address, the obliging expressions 
of your regret for the loss our country has sustained in the 
vdeath of her most esteemed, beloved, and admired citizen. 

"In the multitude of my thougkts and recollections on 



IMM I I HHM I 



23^ THE LIFE OF 

this melancholy event, you will permit me to say that I have 
seen him in the days of adversity, in some of the. scenes of 
his deepest distress, and most trying perplexities. I have 
also attended him in his highest elevation, and most pros- 
perous felicity, with uniform admiration of his wisdom, mod- 
eration, and constancy. 

"Among all our original associates in that memorable 
league of this continent, in 1774, which first expressed the 
sovereign will of a free nation in America, he was the only 
one remaining in the general government. Although with 
a constitution more enfeebled than his, at an age when he 
thought it necessary to prepare for retirement, I feel my- 
self alone bereaved of my last brother, yet I derive a strong 
consolation from the unanimous disposition which appears 
in all ages and classes, to mingle their sorrows with mine, 
€n this common calamity to the world. 

"The life of our Washington cannot suffer by a compar- 
ison with those of other countries, who have been most 
celebrated and exalted by fame. The attributes and de- 
corations of royalty, could only have served to eclipse the 
majesty of those virtues whicli made him, from being a 
modest citizen, a more resplendent luminary. Misfortune, 
had he lived, could hereafter have sullied his glory only 
with those superficial minds who, believing that character 
and actions are marked by success alone, rarely deserve to 
enjoy it. Malice could never blast his honour, and envy 
made him a singular exception to her universal rule. For 
-himself he had lived long enough to life and to glory; for 
his fellow-citizens, if their prayers could have been an- 
swered, he would have been immortal; for me, his depar- 
ture is at a most unfortunate moment. Trustiiio;, however, 
in the wise and righteous dominion of Providence over the 
passions of men and the results of their actions, as well as 
over cheir lives, nothing remains for me but humble resig- 
nation. 

"His example is now complete; and it will teach wis- 
dom and virtue to magistrates, citizens, and men, not only 
in the present age, but in fuiure generations, as long as our 
history shall be read. If a Trajan found a Pliny, a Marcus 
Aurelius can never want biographers, eulogists, or histo- 
rians." 

The committee of both houses appointed to devise the 
mode by which the nation s.hould express its grief, reported 
the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted. 



^'Resolved, by the Senate and Rouse of Representatives 
-of the United States of America^ in Congress assembled^ 
'rhat a marble monument be erected bj the United States, 
at the capitol of the city of Washington, and that the fam- 
ily of General Washington be requested to permit his body 
±0 be deposited under it, and that the monument be so de- 
signed as to commemorate the great events of his military 
and political life. 

''And be it further resolved, ihdit there be a funeral pro- 
cession from Congress Hall, to the German Lutheran 
church, in memory of Gen. George W^ashington, on Thurs- 
day the 26th inst. and that an oration be prepared at the 
request of congress, to be delivered before both houses 
that day; and that the president of the Senate, and speak- 
er of the House of Representatives, be desired to request 
one of the members of congress to prepare and deliver the 
same. 

''A7id be it further resolved, that it be recommended to 
the people of the United States, to wear crape on their left 
arm, as mourning, for thirty days. 

"And he it further resolved, that the president of the Unit- 
ed States be requested to direct a copy of these resolutions to 
be transmitted to Mrs. Washington, assuring her of the 
profound respect Congress will ever bear for her person and 
character, of their condolence on the late aflecting dispen- 
sation of Providence; and entreating her assent to the in- 
terment of the remains of Gen. Washington in the manner 
expressed in the first resolution. 

And he it further resolved. That the president of the 
Uniteel States be requested to issue his proclamation, noti- 
fying to the people throughout the United States, the recom- 
mendation contained in the third resolution." 

To the letter of president Adams, which transmitted to 
Mrs. Washington the resolution of Congress that she 
should be requested to permit the remains of Gen. Wash- 
ington to be deposited under a marble monument, to be 
erected in the city of Wasliington, she replied very much 
in the style and manner of her departed husband, and in the 
following words: ''Taught by the great example wliich I 
have so long had before me, never to oppose my private 
wishes to the j)ublic will, I must consent to the request 
made by Congress, which you have had the goodiiess to 
transmit to me; and in doing this, I need not, I cannot, say 



X ljijlj XJictit \jr 



what a sacrifice of individual feeling I make to a sense of 
public duty." 

The honours paid to Wasliington at the seat of govern- 
ment, were but a small part of the whole. Throughout the 
United States, the citizens gejierally expressed, in a varie- 
ty of ways, both their grief and their gratitude. Their heart- 
felt distress resembled the agony of a large and affectionate 
family, when a bereaved wife and orphan children mingle 
their tears for the loss of a husband and father: 

The people, from the impulse of their own minds, be- 
fore they knew of similar intentions of their fellow-citizens, 
or of the resolutions of Congress for a general mourning, 
assembled and passed resolutions, expressive of their high 
sense of the great worth of tlie deceased, and their grate- 
ful recollection of his important services. Orations were 
delivered, sermons preached, and elegies written on the 
melancholy occasion. The best talents of the nation were 
employed, both in prose and verse, in writing and speak- 
ing, to express the national grief, and to celebrate the deeds 
of the departed father of his country. In addition to the 
public honours which, in the preceding pages, have been 
mentioned as conferred on Washington in his life time, 
there were others of a private nature which flowed from 
the hearts of the people, and which neither wealth nor pow- 
er could command. An infinity of children were called by 
his name. This was often done by people in the humble 
walks of life, who had never seen nor expected to see him, 
and who could have no expectations of a favour from him. 
Villages, towns, cities, districts, counties, seminaries of 
learning, and other public institutions, were called Wash- 
ington, in such numbers, and in such a variety of places, 
that the name no longer answered the end of distinction, 
unless some local or appropriating ciicumstances were 
added to the common appellation. Adventurous mariners, 
who dscovered islands or countries in unexplored regions, 
availing themselves of the privilege of discoverers, planted 
the name of the American Chief in the remotest corners of 
the globe. 

The person of George Washington was uncommonly tall. 
Mountain air, abundant exercise in the open country, the 
wholesome toils of the chase, and the delightful scenes of 
rural life, expanded his limbs to an unusual, but graceful 
and well proportioned size. His exterior suggested to every 
beholder the idea of streiigth, united with manly graceful 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 235 

ness. His form was noble, and his port majestic. No man 
could approach him but with respect. His frame was ro^ 
bust, his constitution vigorous; and he was capable of en- 
during great fatigue. His passions w»re naturally strong; 
with them was his first contest, and over them Ins tirst \ic- 
tory. Before he undertook to command others, he had 
thoroughly learned to command Iiimself. I'he powers of 
his mind were more solid than brilliant. Judgment was 
his forte. To vivacity, wit, and the sallies of a lively im- 
agination, he made no pretensions. His faculties resembled 
those of Aristotle, Bacon, Lock, and Newton; but were 
very unlike those of Voltaire. Possessed of a large propor- 
tion of common sense, directed by a sound practical judg- 
J ment, he was better fitted for the exalted stations- to which 
' he was called, than many otliers, who, to a greater brillian- 
cy of parts, frequently add the eccentricities of genius. 
Truth and utility were his objects. He steadily pursued, 
i and generally obtained them. With this view he thought 
j much, and closely examined every subject on which he was 
ji to decide, in all its relations. Neither passion, party spirit, 
Ij pride, prejudice, ambition nor interest, influenced his de- 
jl liberations. In making up his mind on great occasions, 
j many of which occurred in which the fate of the army or 
|l nation seemed involved, he sought for information from all 
!( quarters, revolved the subject by night and by day,* and ex- 
amined it in every point of view. Guided by these lights 
and influenced by an honest and good heart, he was imper- 
ceptibly led to decisions which were wise and judicious. 
{ Perhaps no man ever lived who was so often called upon to 
I form a judgment in cases of real difficulty, and who so often 
\ formed a right one.' Engaged in the busy scenes of life, 
he knew human nature, and the most proper methods of 
accomplishing proposed objects. Of a thousand proposi- 
tions he knew to distinguish the best, and to select among 
a thousand the individual most fitted for his purpose. 
1 As a military man, he possessed personal courage, and a 
j firmness which neither dancer nor difficulty couhj shake. 
j *In a letter to Gen. Knox, written after the terniijiation of the revo- 
i lutionaiy war, Waslnngton observed, '\Strang-e as it may seem, it is 
nevertheless true, that it was not until lately, I could get the 
better of my usual custom of ruminating- as soon as I awoke in the 
morning, on the business of the ensuing day; and of my surprise at 
finding after revolving many things in my mind, that I was no longei 
-a public man, or had any thing to do with public transactions." 



^56 THE LIFE OF 

His perseverance overcame every obstacle; his moderation 
conciliated ail opposition; his genius supplied every re- 
source. He knew how to conquer by delay, and deserved 
true praise by despising unmerited censure. Inferiour to 
liis adversary in the numbers, the equipment, and the dis- 
cipline of his troops, no great advantage was ever obtained 
over liim, and no opportunity to strike an important blow 
was ever neglected. In the most ardent moments of the con- 
test, his prudent firmness proved the salvation of his country. 

The whole range of history does not present a character 
on which we can dwell with such entire unmixed admira- 
tion. His qualities were so happily blended, and so nicely 
harn»onized, that the result was a great and perfect whole. 

The integrity of Washington was incorruptible. His 
principles were free from the contamination of selfish and 
unworthy passions. His real and avowed motives were the 
same. His ends were always upright, and his means pure. 
He was a statesman without guile, and his profession both 
to his fellow citizens and to foreign nations, were always 
sincere. No circumstances ever induced him to use du- 
plicity, lie was an example of the distinction which exists 
between wisdom and cunning; and his manly, open con- 
duct, was an illustration of the soundness of the maxim, 
"that honesty is the best policy." 

The learning of Washington was of a particular kind. 
He overstepped the tedious forms of schools, and by the 
force of a correct taste and sound judgment, seized on the 
great ends of learning, witliout the assistance of those 
means which have been contrived to prepare less active 
minds for public business. By a careful study of the Eng- 
lish language; by reading good models of fine writing, and, 
above all, by the aid of a vigorous mind, he made himself 
master of a pure, elegant and classical style. His composi- 
tion was all nerve; full of correct and manly ideas, which 
were expressed in a precise and forcible language. His an- 
swers to the innumerable addresses which on all public oc- 
casions poured in upon him, were promptly made, hand- 
somely expressed, and always contained something appro- 
priate. His letters to congress; his addresses to that body- 
on the acceptance and resignation of his commission; his 
general orders as Commander in Chief; his speeches and 
messages as president; and above all^ his two farewell ad- 
dresses to the people of the United States, will remain last- 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 237 

ing monuments of the goodness of his heart, of the wisdom: 
of his head, and of the eloquence of his pen. 

The powers of his mind were in some respects peculiar. 
He was a great, practical, self-taught genius: with a head 
to devise, and a hand to execute, projects of the first magni- 
tude and greatest utility. 

There are few men of any kind, and still fewer of those 
the world calls great, who have not some of their virtues 
eclipsed by correspondino- vices. But this was not the case 
with General Washingto!i. He had religion without auster- 
ity, dignity without pride: modesty without diffidence, cour" 
R^e without rashness, politeness without affectation, atfa- 
bility without familiarity. His private character as well as 
his public one, will bear the strictest scrutiny. He w-as 
punctual in all his engagements; upright and honest in his 
dealings, temperate in his enjoyments; liberal and hospi- 
table to an eminent degree; a lover of order: systemati- 
cal and methodical in all his arrangements. He was the 
friend of morality and religion; steadily attended on public 
worship; encouraged and strengthened the hands of the 
clergy. In all his public acts, he made the most respect- 
ful H'.ention of providence: and, in a word, carried the spir- 
it of piety with him both in his private life and public ad- 
ministration. 

( Washington had to form soldiers of freemen, many of 
whom had extravagant ideas of their personal rights. He 
ihad often to mediate between a starving army, and a high 
Ispiiited yeomanry. So great were the necessities of the 
soldiers under his immediate comniand, tlsat he was (obliged 
to send out detachments to seize on the property of the 
farmers at the point of the bayonet. The language of th.e 
'soldier was, '-Give me clothing, give me food, or I cannot 
fight, I cannot live." The language of t!ie farmer was, 
'•Protect ray property."' In this choice of difficulties,- 
Gen. VV^asiungton not only kept his army together, but con- 
ducted with so much prudence as to command the appro- 
bation both of the army and of the citizens. He was also 
jdependent for much of his support on the concurrence 
]of thirteen distinct, unconnected legislatures. Animosities 
!prevailed between his southern and northern troops, and 
there were strong jealousies between the states fro?n which 
t^ey respectively came. To harmonize these clashing in- 
terests, to make uniform arrangements from such discor- 



238 THE LIFE OF 

dant sources and materials, required no common share of 
address. Yet so great was the effect of the modest unas- 
suming manners of Gen. Washington, that he retained the 
affection of all his troops, and of all the states. 

He also possessed equanimity in an eminent degree. 
One even tenour marked the greatness of his mind, in all 
the variety of scenes through which he passed. In the 
most trying situations he never despaired, nor was he ever 
depressed. He was the same when retreating through 
•Jersey from before a victorious enemy with the remains of 
his broken army, as when marching in triumph into York- 
town, over its demolished fortifications. The honours and 
applause he received from his grateful countrymen, would 
have made almost any other man giddy; but on him they 
had no mischievous effect. He exacted none of those at- 
tentions; but when forced upon him, he received them as 
fiivours, with the politeness of a well bred jnan. He was 
great in deserving them, but much greater in not being elat- 
ed with them. 

The patriotism of Washington was of the most ardent 
kind, and without alloy. He was very different from those 
noisy patriots, who, with love of country in their mouths, 
and hell in their hearts, lay their S|chemes for aggrandizing 
themselves at every hazard; but he was one of those who 
love their country in sincerity, and who hold themselves 
l)ound to consecrate all their talents to its service. Nu- 
merous were the difficulties with which he had to contend. 
Great were the dangers he had to encounter. Various were 
the toils and services in which he had to share; but to all 
difficulties and dangers he rose superio-ur. To all toils and 
services he cheerfully submitted for his country's good. 

In principle, Washington was a federal republican, and 
a republican federalist. Liberty and law, the rights of man, 
and the controul of government, were equally dear to him, 
and in his opinion, equally necessary to political happiness. 
He was devoted to that system of equal political rights on 
which the constitution of his countiy was founded; but 
thought that real liberty could only be maintained by pre- 
serving the authority of the laws, and giving tone and ener- 
gy to government. He conceived there was an immense 
difference between a balanced republic and a tumultuous 
democracy, or a faction calling themselves the people; and 
a still greater between a patriot and a demagogue. He 
highly respected the deliberate sentiments of the people, but , 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 239 

tlieir sudden ebullitions made no impression on his well bal- 
anced mind. Trusting for support to the sober thoughts 
of the nation, lie had the magnanimity to pursue its real in- 
terests, in opposition to prevailing prejudices. He placed 
a proper value on popular favour, but could never stoop to 
gain it by a sacrifice of duty, by artifice or flattery. In crit- 
ical times he committed his well earned popularity to haz- 
ard, and steadily pursued the line of conduct which was dicta- 
ted by a sense of duty, against an op| osing popular torrent. 

While war raged in Europe, the hostile nations would 
scarce endure a neutral. America was in great danger of 
being drawn by force or intrigue into the vortex. Strong 
parties in the Ujiited States rendered the danger more im- 
minent; and it required a temperate, but inflexible govern- 
ment to prevent the evil. In this trying state of things, 
Washington was not to be moved from the true interests 
of his country. His object was America, and her interest 
was to remain in peace. Faction at home, and intrigue and 
menace from abroad, endeavoured to shake him, but in vain; 
he remained firm and immoveable in the storm that sur- 
rounded him. Foreign intrigue was defeated, and foreign 
insolence was repressed by his address and vigour; while 
domestic faction, dashing ajiainst him, broke itself to pieces. 
He met the injustice both of Britain and France by nego- 
tiation, rather than by war, but maintained toward both, that 
firm attitude whicli was proper for the magistrate of a free 
state. He commanded their respect, and preserved the 
tranquillity of his country. In his public character, he knew 
no nation but as friends in peace, as enemies in war. To- 
ward one he forgot ancient animosities, wlien the recollec- 
tion of them opposed the interests of his country. Toward 
another, he renounced a fantastic gratitude, when it was 
claimed only to involve his nation in war. 

With Washington it was an invariable maxim of policy, 
to secure his country against the injustice of foreign nations 
by being in a condition to command their respect, and punish 
their aggressions. The defence of our commerce, the 
fortification of the ports, and the organization of a military 
force, were objects to which he paid particular attention. 
To the gradual formation of an American army, he was 
friendly; and also to the military institutions, which are cal- 
culated to qualify the youth of the country for its defence. 
War he deprecated as a great evil, inferiour only to the loss 



240 THE LIFE OF 

of honour and characterj but thought it \v2iS most easily 
avoided by being ready for it, while, by the practice of uni- 
versal justice, none could have any real ground of com- 
plaint. In foreign transactions, his usual policy was to cul- 
tivate peace with all the world; to observe treaties with 
pure and absolute faith; to check every deviation from the 
line of impartiality; to explain what was misapprehended, 
and to correct what was injurious; and then to insist upon 
justice being done to the nation over which he presided. 
In controversies with foreign nations, it was his favourite 
maxim so to conduct toward them, "as to put them in the 
wrong." 

In his transactions with the Indian tribes. Washington 
was guided by justice, humanity, and benevolence. His au- 
thority and influence were exerted to restrain the licentious 
white contiguous settlers from injuring their red neighbours. 
To supply their wants and prevent impitsitions he strongly 
urged the erection of trading houses in their settlements, 
from which they were furnished by government with goods 
at first cost. The unprincipled were restrained from prey- 
ing on their ignorance, by excluding all but licensed per- 
sons, with good characters, from trading with them, ' All 
this was done to pave the way for their civilization. 

When Washington commenced his civil administration, 
the United Shiles were without any eificient government. 
After they had a<iopted one of their choice, and placed him 
at its head, he determined tliat it should be respected. By 
his firmness, order soon ionk place. There was one excep- 
tion. The western counties of Pennsylvania rose in arms 
to resist the law for raising a revenue, by an excise on do- 
mestic distilled ardent j-pii its. On this occasion, the fixed 
resolution of Washington was, that whatever expense it 
might cost, whatever inconvenience it might occasion, the 
people mnst be tanght obedience and the authority of thela^s 
re-established. To secure this object, peculiarlv impoitant 
in the infancy of the new government, he ordered out and 
put himself at the head of an ample force, calculated to ren- 
der resistance desperate, and thereby to save the lives of 
his fellow citizens. 

In consequence of such decided measures, the insur- 
gents dispersed, and peace and order were restored with- 
out bloodshed. The necessity of subordination was im- 
pressed on the citizens, and the firmness of Washington's 



GEORGE WASHINGTON. 241 

personal character was communicated to the government. 

Having accomplished every object for which he re-enter- 
ed public life, he gave for the second time, the rare exam- 
ple of voluntarily descending from the first station in the 
universe; the head of a free people, placed there by their 
unanimous suffrage. To the pride of reigning his soul was 
superiour. To its labours he submitted only for his country. 

Rulers of the world! Learn from Washington wherein 
true glory consists. Restrain your ambition. Consider your 
power as an obligation to do good. Let the world have 
peace, and prepare for yourselves, the enjoyment of that 
ecstatic pleasure which will result from devoting all your 
energies to tlie advancement of human happiness. 

Citizens of the United States! While with grateful hearts 
you recollect the virtues of your Washington, carry your 
thoughts one step farther. On a review of his life, and of 
all the circumstances of the times in which he lived, you 
must be convinced, that a kind Providence in its beneficence 
raised him, and endowed him with extraordinary virtues, to 
be to you an instrument of great good. None but such a 
man could have carried you successively through the revo- 
lutionary times which tried men's souls, and ended in the 
establishment of your independence. None but such a man 
could have braced up your government after it had become 
so contemptible, from the imbecility of the federal system. 
None but such a man could have saved your country from 
bei?ig plunged into war, either with the greatest naval pow- 
er in Europe, or with that which is most formidable by land, 
in consequence of your animosity against the one, and your 
partiality in favour of the other. 

Youths of the United States! Learn from Washington 
what may be done by an industrious improvement of your 
talents, and the cultivation of your moral powers. Without 
any extraordinary advantages from bii th, fortune, patronage 
or even of education, he, by virtue and industry, attained 
the highest seat in the temple of fame. You cannot all be 
commanders of armies, or chief magistiates; but you may 
all resemble him in the virtues of private and domestic life, 
in which he excelled, and in which he most delighted.... 
Equally industrious with his plough as his sword, he esteem- 
ed idleness and inutility as the greatest disgrace of man, 
vv^hose powers attain perfection only by constant and vigor- 
ous action. Washington, in private life, was as amiable as 



242 THE LIFE, &c. 

virtuous; and as great as he appeared sublime, on the pub- 
lic theatre of the world. He lived in the discharge of all 
the civil, social and domestic offices of lifp. He was tem- 
per-ite in his desires, and faithful to his duties. For more 
than forty years of happy wedded love, his high example 
strengthened the tone of public manners. He had more 
real enjoyment in the bosom of his family, than in the pride 
of military command, or in the pomp of sovereign power. 

On the whole, his life affords the brightest model for imi- 
tation, not only to warriors and statesmen, but to private 
citizens; for his character was a constellation of all the tal- 
ents and virtues which dignify or adorn human nature. 

*'He was a man, take him for all in all, 
*«We ne'er shall look ui>on his like again.'* 




APPENDIX. 

(No. I.) 
[Referred to in page 123.] 



TO THE UNITED STATES, IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED. 

»THE ADBKESS AND PETITION 
Of the Officers of the Army of the United States, 
HUMBLY SHOWETH, 

- That we, the Officers of the Army of the United States, in be- 
half of ourselves and our brethren the Soldiers, beg leave, with all 
I proper deference and respect, freely to state to Congi-ess, the su- 
i preme power of the United States, the gi'eat distress under which we 
I labour. 

! At this period of the war, it is with peculiar pain we find our- 
Selves constrained to address your august body, on matters of a pe- 
cuniary nature. We have struggled with our difficulties year after 
year, under the hopes that each would be the last; but we have been 
^ disappointed. We find our embarrassments thicken so fast, and 
I have become so complex, that many of us are unable to go further. 
In this exigence we apply to Congress for relief, as our head and 
sovereign. 

To prove that our hardships are exceedingly disproportionate to 
those of any other citizens of America, let a recurrence be had to the 
paymaster's accounts, for four years past. If to this it should be ob- 
jected, that the respective states have made settlements, and given 
I securities for the pay due for part of that time, let the present value 
' of those nominal obligations be ascertained by the monied men and 
they will be found to be worth little indeed; and yet, trifling as they 
are, many have been Under the sad necessity of parting with them, to 
prevent their flimilies from actually starving 

We complain that shadows have been cHered to us, while the 
substance has been gleaned by others. Our situation compels us to 



244 APPENDIX. 

search for the cause of our extreme poverty. The citizens muiinur 
at the greatness of their taxes, and are astonished that no part 
reaches the army. The numerous demands which are between the 
first collectors and the soldiers, swallow up the whole. Our dis- 
tresses are now brought to a point. We have borne all that men 
can bear; our property is expended; our private resources are at an 
end; and our friends are wearied out and disgusted with our inces- 
sant applications. We therefore most seriously and earnestly beg, 
that a supply of money may be forwarded to the army, as soon as 
possible. The uneasiness of the soldiers, for want of pay, is great 
and dangerous; any further experiment on their patience, may have 
fatal effects. The promised subsistence or ration of provisions, 
consisted of certain articles specified in kind and quality. This 
ration, without regard, that we can conceive, to the health of the 
troops, has been frequently altered, as necessity or conveniency sug- 
gested; generally losing by the change some part of its substance. — 
On an average, not more than seven or eight tenths have been issu- 
ed; the retained parts were, for a short time, paid for; but the busi- 
ness became troublesome to those who were to execute it. For 
this, or some other reason, all regard to the dues, as they respected 
tMe soldiers, has been discontinued, now and then a trifling gi*atuity 
excepted. As these dues respected the officers, they were com- 
pensated during one year and part of another, by an extra ration.— 
A.s to the retained rations, the account for several years remains un- 
settled; there is a large balance due upon it, and a considerable sum 
for that of forage. 

The clothing was another part of the soldier's hire. The ar- 
rearages on that score, for the year 1777, were paid off in continen- 
tal money, when the dollar was worth about four pence; the ar- 
rearages for the following years are unliquidated, and we appre- 
hend, scarcely thought 'of, but by the army. ' Whenever there has 
been a real want of means, and defect in system, or neglect in ex- 
ecution, in the departments of the army, we have invariably been 
the sufferers, by hunger and nakedness, and by langviisiiing in an 
hospital. We beg leave to urge an immecUate adjustment of all 
dues; that as great a part as possible be paid, and the remainder put 
on such a footing as will restore cheerfulness to the army, receive 
confidence in the justness and generosity of its constituents, and 
contribute to the very desirable effect of re-establishing public 
credit. We are grieved to find, that our brethren, who retired 
from sei-vice on half pay, under the resolution of Congress, 1780, 
are not only destitute of any effectual provision, but are become 
the objects of obloquy. Their condition has a very discouraging 
aspect on us, who must sooner or later retire, and from every con- 
sideration of justice, gratitude and pohcy, demands attention and 
redress. We regard the act of Congress, respecting half pay, as 
an honourable and just recompense for several years hard service, 
in which the health and fortunes of the officers have been worn 
down and exhausted. We see with chagrin, the odious point of 
view, in which the citizens of too many oftlie states endeavour to 
place the men entitled to it. We hope, for the honour of human na- 



APPENDIX. M5 

ture, that there are none so hardened in the sin of ingratitude, as to 
deny the justice of the reward. We have reason to believe, that the 
objection generally is against the mode only. To prevent therefore 
any altercations and distinctions, which may tend to injure that har- 
mony which we ardently desire may reign throughout the communi- 
ty, we are willing to commute the half pay pledg-ed, for full pay, foi 
a certain number of years, or for a sum in gi'oss, as shall be ag-reed 
to by the committee sent witli this address. And in tlis we pray, 
that the disabled officers and soldiers, with the widows and orpliaiis 
of those who have expended, or may expend, their lives in tiie ser- 
vice of their country, may be fully comprehended. We also beg, that 
some mode may be pointed out for the eventual payment of those sold- 
iers, who are the subjects of the resolution of Congress of the 15th 
of May, 1778. To the representation now made, the army have not 
a doubt that Congress will pay all that attention, which t]\e serious 
nature of it requires. It would be criminal in the officers to conceal 
the general dissatisfaction which prevails, and is gaining ground in 
the army, from the*pressure of evils and injuries, which, in the course 
of seven long years, have made their condition, in many instances, 
wretched. They therefore entreat that Congress, to convince the 
army and the world, that the independence of America shall not be 
placed on the ruin of any particular class of her citizens, will point out 
a mode of immediate redress. 

H. KNOX, Major-General, "^ 

JOHN PATTERSON, Brlgadltr.Geti. ,i ^ , r ,, 

J. C4REATON, Colonel, Von he part of h. 

JOHN CRANE, Colonel, j .'^^"^«^^'^^'*'^-'* ^^'^^. 

H. MAXWELL, Lhut. Colonel, ] 

J. HUNTINGTON, Brigadier Gen. ^ 

H. SWIFT, Colonel, \ on the part of the 

SAMUEL B. WEBB, Colonel, )> Comiecdcut Hue. 

E. HUNTINGTON, Lieut. Col. J 

P. CORTLAND, Colonel, on the part of the .X. York line. 

JOHN N. CUMMINGS, Ue^it. Col ' ^^^th^ P^^^t of the 

3 J^ exv- Jersey line. 

WILLIAM SCOTT, Major, I ''l!^' Pf^^i)fthe 

•^ 5 JVeiv-JIanipsjhtreUne, 



W. EUSTIS, Hospital Surgeon, 
MOSES HAZEN, Brigadier-General. 

Ciintonments, niuho7i's Iliver, Dec. 1782. 



^ on the part rfihi 
3 General He^pitnl. 



24G APPENDIX. 

No. ir, 

[RefeiTed to in page 148.] 
FAREWELL ADDRESS OF GENERAL WASHINGTON, 

To the Armies of the United States, 

Rocky Hill, near Princeton, November 2, 1783, 

The United States in Congress assembled, after g-ivlng the most 
honourable testimon}^ to themerits of tlie fedtral armies, and present- 
ing tlieni with the thanks of tiieir country, for their long, eminent, 
and faithful service, having thougiit proper, by their proclamation, 
bearing date the IStli October last, to discharge such part of the 
troops as were engaged for the u ar, and to permit tlie officers on fur- 
lough to retire from service, from and after to-mo*rro\v; which procla- 
mation having been communicated in the public papers, for the infor- 
mation and government of all concerned, it only remains for the Com- 
mander in Chief to address himself once more, and that for the last 
time, to tlie armies of the United States, however widely dispersed 
individuals who compose them may be, and to bid them an aitection- 
ate, a long farewell. 

13ut before the commander in chief takes his final leave of those 
he holds most dear, he wishes to indulge himself a few moments in 
calling to mind a sliglit view of the past. He will then take the 
liberty of exploring with his military friends, their future prospects; 
of advising the general line of conduct, which, in his opinion, ought 
to h,e pvirsued; and !ie will conclude tlie addi ess, by expressing the , 
obligations he feels himself under for the spii-ited and able assist- 
ance he lias experienced from them, in the performance of an ai-duous 
office. 

A contemplation of the complete attainment^ at a period earlier 
than could have been expected, of the object forwliich we contend- 
ed, against so formidable a power, cannot but inspire us with aston- 
ishment and gratitude. The disadvaiitageo\is circumstances on our 
part, under which the war was undertaken, can never be forgotten. 
The signal interpositions of Providence, in our feeble condition, were 
such as could scarcely escape the attention pf the most unobserving; 
while tlie unparalleled perseverance of the armies of the United 
States, through almost every possible suftering and discouragement, 
for the space of eight long years, was little short of a standing mir- 
acle. 

It is not the meaning, nor within the compass of this address, to 
detail tSxe hardships peculiarly incident to our service, or to describe 
the distresses, which, in several instances, have resulted from "the ex- 
tremes of Imngerand nakedness, combined with the rigours of an in- 
clement seasons nor is it necessary to dwell on the dark side of our 
past atiaii-s. 



APPENDIX. 24? 

Every American officer and soldier must now console himself 
for any unpleasant circumstance wiiich may have occurred, by a 
recollection of the uncommon scenes in which he has been called 
to act no ing-Jorious piu-t, and the astonishing- events of which he 
has been a witness; events which have seldom, if ever before, tak- 
en place on the stag-e of hmnan action; nor can they probably 
ever happen ag-aih. For who has before seen a disciplined army fonn- 
ed at once fro;n such raw materlidsP W-ho tliat was not a witness 
could imag-ine that the most violent local prejudices would cease 
so soon, and that men who came from the ditFerent parts of the con- 
tinent, strong-^disposed by the habits of education to despise and 
quarrel with ^Kh other, would instantly become but one patriotic 
baud of brothers? Or who that was not on the spot, can ti\ace the 
steps by which such a wonderful revolution has been effected, and 
such a g"lorious period put to all cur warlike toils? 

It is universally acknowledg-ed, that the enlarged prospects of 
happiness, opened by the contirmation of our independence and 
. sovereignty,' almost exceed the power of description; and shall not 
the brave men who have contributed so essentially to these inesti- 
mable acquisitions, retiring- victorious from the field of war to the 
field of agriculture, participate in all the blessings which have 
been obtained? In such a republic, who will exclude ihem from 
the rights of citizens and the fruits of their labours? In such a 
country, so happily circumstanced, the pursuits of comm.erce, and 
the cultivation of the soil, will unfold to industry the certain road 
to competence. To those hardy soldiers who are actuated by tlie 
spirit of adventure, tiie fisheries will afford ample and profitable 
employment; and the extensive and fertile regions of the west, 
will yield a most happy asylum to those who, fond of domestic 
enjoyment, are seeking personal inde])endence. Nor is it possible 
to conceive that any one of the United States will prefer a national 
bankruptcy, and the dissolution of the union, to a compUance 
with the requisitions of congress, and the payment of its just 
debts; so that the officers and soldiers may expect considerable 
assistance, in recommencing their civil occupations, from tlic sums 
due to them from ihe public, which must and will mcst inevitably be 
paid. 

In order to effect this desirable purpose, and remove the pre- 
Judices which rany have taken possession of the minds of any 
of the good people of the states, it is earnestly recommended to all 
the troops, that, with strong attachment to the union, they should 
carry with them into civil society the m.ost conciliiiting disposi- 
tions, and that they shovdd prove them.selves not less virtuous 
and useful as citizens, than they have been victorious as soldiers. 
What though there should be some envious individuals, who are 
unwilling to pay the debt the public has contracted, or to ) ield the 
tribute due to merit; yet, let such unworthy treatment produce no 
invective, or any instances of intemperate con'duct. Let it be re- 
membered, that the unbiassed voice of the free citizens of the Uni- 
ted States, has promised the just reward, and given the merited 
applause. Let it be known and remembered, tiiat the reputation 



iS48 APPENDIX. 

of the federal armies established beyond the reach of malevo- 
lence; and let a conscientiousness of their acliievements and fume, 
still excite the men who composed them to honourable actions, 
under tlie persuasion that tlie private virtues of e.conomy, pru- 
dence, and industry, will not be less amiable in civil life, than the 
xTiore splendid qualities of valour, perseverance, and enterprize, 
were in the field. Every one may rest assured, "that much, very 
much of the. future happiness of the officers and men, will depend 
u}>on the wise and manly conduct which shall be adopted by 
tuem, when they are mingled witli the g'reat body of the commu- 
nity. And, although the general has so frequentl^^iven it as his 
opinion, in the most public and explicit manner, ^pit unless the 
principles of the federal government were properly supported, and 
tliC powers of the union increased, the honour, dignity, and jus- 
tice of the nation, ivovdd be lost forever; yet he cannot help re- 
])cat:ng, on this occasion, so interesting a sentiment, and leaving 
it as his last injunction to every officer and every soldier,- who may 
view the subject in the same serious point of light, to add his best 
endeavours to those of his worthy fellow-citizens, toward.s eliecting 
these gTeat and valuable purposes, on which our very existence as a 
jiation so materially depends. 

The commander in chief conceives little is now wanting to en- 
able the soldier to change the military character into that of the 
citizen, but tliat steady, decent tenour of behaviour, which has 
^generally distinguished not onh^ the army under his immediate 
command, but the different detachments and armies, through the 
course of the war. From their good sense and prudence he anti- 
cipates the happiest consequences; and while he congratulates 
them on the glorious occasion which renders their services in the 
field no longer neces.sary, he wishes^ to express the strong obliga- 
tions he feels l^imseif under, for the assist^ance he has received from 
every class, and in every instance. He presents his thanks in 
tlie most serious and affectionate manner, to the general officei"s, 
ciS Vv'cli for their counsels on many interesting occasions, as for 
their ardour in promoting tlie success of the pjan.s be had adopt- 
ed; to the commandants of regiments, and corps, and to the other 
officers, for their zeal and attention in carrying his orders prompt- 
ly into execution; to the staff, for their alacrity and exactness in 
I>erforming the duties of their several departments; and to the 
)von-com)nissioned officers and private soldieis^ for tlicir extraor- 
dinary patience and s'lfTering-, as well as heir invincible fortitude 
in action. To the various branches of the army, the tjccneral takes 
this last and solemn opportunity of professing his lUNiolable at- 
taclimcnt and friendship. He wishes more thftu bare professions 
were in his power, that he was really able to be use fill to them all in 
future life. He flatters himself, however, they will do him the jus- 
tice to believe, that whatever could with propriety be attempted by 
him, has been done. 

And being now to conclude these his last public orders, to take 
his ultimate leave in asliorttime of the military character, and to 
hid a final adieu to the armies he has so long Jiad the honour to 



APPENDIX. 249 

command, he can only again offer in their behalf, his recommen- 
datioiis to their grateful country, and his prayers to the God of 
armies. May ample justice be done them here, and may the choic- 
est of Heaven's favours, both here and hereafter, attend those who, 
under tlie divine auspices, have secured innumerable blessings for 
others. With these wishes and this benediction, the Commander 
in Chief is about to retire f^m service. The curtain of separation 
will soon be drawn, and thd military scene to him will be closed 
forever. 



(No. III.) 

GEN. WASHINGTON S WILL. 



VIRGIJ\*M, Fairfax, ss. 

I. George Deneale, Clerk of Fairfax Count i/ Court, do cer- 
tifif. That the ffubseqiient copij of the last IVlil and Testa- 
ment of George. Washing ION, deceased, late President 
of the United States of America, with the Schedule annex- 
ed, is a true co^y from the original, recorded in my office. 

In tesfimom/ whereof I have hereunto set nif/ hand^ 
this2od day of Januarij, IS(J0. 

GEl). DEI\EALE, C. F. C. 



I 



JjYTHE.YJME of god, .im 



13 CEORGE WASHINGTON, of Mount Vernon, a citizen of 
the United States, and lately president of the same, Do make, qv- 
daln, and declare this Instrument, v.liich is written witli my own; 
hand, and every page thereof subscribed with my name,* to be my 
LAST wiui. Axi) Ti.sTA.nEJfT, rcvokiiig all others. 

JmjiHmis. All my debts, cf which there are but fcW, and none of 
magnitude, are to be punctiuilly and speedily paid; and iht; leg'acics 
hereinafter bequeathed, are to be discharged as soon as circum- 
stances will permit, and in the manner directed. 

* In th^ original 7ncumscnpi, Geoejje WASinxG'ro>''s name ?> ^vritfen 
a* the bottom of every page. 
W 2 



250 APPENDIX. 

Item. To my dearly beloved wife, Martha iVa^-Jdvgton, I give and 
beque:itli the use, profit, and beneiit of my wliolc est^^e, real and 
personal, for t!\e term of her natural life, except such parts there- 
of as are specially disposed of hereafter. My improved lot in the 
town of Alexandria, situated on Pitt and Cameroi\-Streets, 1 g-ive to 
her and her heirs foi-ever; as t also do my household and kitchen fur- 
niture of every sort and kind, with the liquors and groceries which 
may be on hand at the time of my decease, to be used and disposed of 
as s!ie may think proper. 

Item. Upon the decease of my wife, it is my will and desire, that 
all the slaves v/hich I hold in my own right, shall receive their freedom. 
To emancipate them during her hfe, would, though earnestly wished 
by me, be attended with such insuperable difficulties, on account of 
their intermixture by marriages, with the dower negroes, as to excite 
the most painful .sensations, if not disagreeable consequences to the 
latiier, while both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same pro- 
prietor; it not being in my power, under the tenure by which the dow- 
er negroes are held, to manumit them. And whereas, among those 
who will receive freedom according to this devise, there may be some 
who, from old age or bodily infirmities, and others who, on account of 
their infancy, will be unable to support themselves, it is my will and 
desire, that ail who come under the first and second description, shall 
be comfortably cloihed and fed by my heirs while they live; and that 
such of the latter description as have no parents living, or, if living, 
are unable or unwilling to provide for them, shall be bound by the 
court until they shall arrive at tiie age of twenty-five years; and in 
cases where no record can be produced, whereby their ages can be as- 
certained, tlie judgment of the court, upon its own view of the sub- 
ject, shall be adequate and final. Ihe negroes thus bound, are, by 
their masters or mistresses, to he tauglit to read and write, and be 
bro' ght up to some usefil occiipation, agreeably to the laws of the 
commonwealth of Virginia, providing for tlie support of orphan and 
other poor children. And i do hereby expressly forbid the sale or 
transportation out of the said commonwealth, of any slave I may die 
possr^.^sed of. under any pretence whatsoever. And I do moreover most 
po. n ec!Iy and most solemnly enjoin it upon my executors hereafter 
na:';'rd, or the survivors of them, to see that this clause respecting 
sl^ -OS, and every part thereof, be religiously fulfilled at the epoch at 
wn.! ix it is directed to take place, without evasion, neglect or delay, 
af ;ev the crops which may then be on tiie ground are harvested, partic- 
uliiily as it "especls the aged and infirm; Si.'eingthat a regular and per- 
manent fmd be established for their support us long as they are subjects 
reouiring it, not trusting to the uncertiun provision made by individuals. 
And, 'o my m\ilatto mun, TVilaam, calling himself William Lee, I give im- 
mediate freedom, or if he should prefer it, on account of the acci- 
dents w!:ich have befallen him, and which have rendered him in- 
capH .!e of walking, or of any active employment, to remain in th^ 
sitiia I'll he now is, it shall be optional in him to do so; in either 
cas*;, ovvever, I allow him an annuity of thirty dollars during his 
natural life, which shall be independent of .the victuals and clothes 
he has been accustomed to receive if he chooses the latter alter- 



APPENDIX. 251 

native; but In full with his freedom, if he prefers the first; and this I 
give him as a testimony of my sense of his attachment to me, and for 
his faithful services during the revolutionar}^ war. 

Item. I'o the trustees, governors, or by whatsoever other name 
they may be designated, of the academy in the town of Alexandria, 
I give and bequeath, in trust, four thousand dollars, or in other 
words, twenty of the shares which I hold in the bank of Alexan- 
dria, toward the support of a free school, established at, and an- 
nexed to, the said academy, for the purpose of educating orphan 
children, or the children of such other poor and indigent persons 
as are unable to accomplish it with their own means, and who, in 
the judgment of the trustees of the said seminary, are best enti- 
tled to the benefit of this donation. The aforesaid twenty shares 
I give and bequeath in perpetuity, tlie dividends only of which are 
to be drawn for, and applied by the said trustees, for the time be- 
ing, fur the uses abovementioned; the stock to remain entire and 
untouched, unless indications of failure of the said bank should 
be so apparent, or a discontinuance thereof should render a re- 
moval of this fund necessary. In either of these cases, the amount 
of the stock here devised is to be vested in some other bank, or 
public institution, whereby the interest may with regularity and 
certainty be drawn and apphed as above. And, to prevent mis- 
conception, my meaning is, and is hereby declared to be, that these 
twenty shares are in lie-i of, and not in addition to, the 1000/. given 
by a missive letter some years ago, in consequence whereof an 
annuity of 50Z. has since been paid toward the support of this insti- 
tution. 

Lem. Whereas by a law of the commonwealth of Virginia, enact- 
ed in the year 1785, the leg'islature thereof was pleased, as an evi- 
dence of its approbation of the services I had rendered the public 
during the revolution; and partly, I believe, in consideration of my 
having suggested the vast advantages which the community would 
derive from the extension of its inland navigation, under legisla- 
tive patronage, to present me with one hundred shares of one 
hundred dollars each, in the incorporated company established 
for the purpose of extenfling the navigation of James liiver, 
from the tide water to the mountains; and also with fifty shares 
of 100/. sterling each, in the incorporation of another company, like- 
wise estabUshed for the similar purpose of opening the navigation 
of* the river Potoxvmac, from the tide water to Fort Cumberland; 
the acceptance of which, although the offer was highly honour- 
able and grateful to my feelings, was refused, as inconsistent with 
a principle wliich I had adopted, and had never departed from; 
namely, not to receive pecuniary compensation for any services I 
could render my country in its arduous struggle with Great Bri- 
tain for its rights, and because I had evaded similar propositions 
from other states in the imion; adding to this refusal, however, an 
intimation, that, if it should be the pleasure of the legislature to 
permit me to appropriate the said shares to public vses, 1 would 
receive tliem on those terms with due sensibility; and this it hav- 
ing consented to, in flattering terms, as will appear by a subse- 



252 APPENDIX. 

quent law, and sundry resolutions, in the most ample and honour- 
able manner. I proceed, alter this recital, for the more correct 
understanding- of the case, to declare, that as it has always been a 
source of serious regret with me, to see the youth of these United 
States, sent to foreig-n countries for the purpose of education, often 
before their minds were formed, or they had imbibed any adequate 
ideas of the happiness of their own; contracting, too frequently, 
not only habits of dissipation and extravagance, but principles V7i- 
friendly to republican goveimment, and to the time and genuine lib- 
erties of mankind, which, thereafter, are rarely overcome. For 
these reasons, it has been my ardent wish to see a plan devised, 
on a hberal scale, which would have a tendency to spread syste- 
matic ideas, through all parts of this rising empire, thereby to do 
away local attachments and state prejudices, as far as the nature of 
things would, or indeed ought to admit, from our national coun- 
cils. Looking anxiously forward to the accon)plishment of so de- 
sirable an object as this is, in my estimation, my mind has not 
been able to contemplate any plan more likely to effect the mea- 
sure, than the establishn)ent of a university in a central part of the 
United States, to which the youths of fortune and talents from 
all parts thereof, might 'be sent for the completion of their edu- 
cation in all the branches of polite literature, in the arts and sciences, 
in acquiring knowledge in the principles of politics and good gov- 
ernment; and, as a matter of infinite importance in my judgment, 
by associating with each other, and forming friendships in juve- 
nile years, be enabled to free themselves, in a proper degree, from 
those local prejudices and habitual jealousies which have just been 
mentioned, and which, when carried to excess, are never failing 
sources of disquietude to the public mind, and pregnant of mis- 
chievous consequences to this country. Under these impressions, so 
fully dilated. 

Item. I give and bequeath, in perpetuity, the fifty shares which 
I hold in the Potowmac company, under tiic aforesaid acts of the legis- 
lat*ire of Virginia, tovv-ard the endowment of a university, to be es- 
tabhshed within the limits of the clistrict of Columbia, under tlie 
^uspices of the general governmerit, if that government should in- 
chne to extend a fostering hand toward it; and until such seminary 
is established, and the funds arising on these shares shall be requir- 
ed for its support, my further will and desire is, that the profit ac- 
cruing therefrom, shall, whenever the dividends are made, be laid 
out in purchasing stock in the bank of Cohunbia, or some other bank, 
at the discretion of my executors, or by the treasurer of the United 
States for the time being, under the direction of Congress, provided 
that honourable body should patronize the measure; and the chvi- 
dends proceeding from the purchase of such stock, are to be vested 
in more stock, and so Qn until a sum adequate to the a'ccomplishment 
of the object is obtained, of whicli I have not the smallest doubt be- 
fore many years pass away; even if no aid or encouragement is given 
by legislative authoiity, or from any other source. 

Item. The hundred shares whicIi I hold in the James river compa- 
ny, I have ^iven, and now confirm, in perpetuity, to and for the use 



and benefit of Liberty Hall Academy, in the county of Rockbridge, in 
the commonwealth of Virg-inia. 

Ti'em. I release, exonerate and discharge, the estate of my deceas- 
ed -brother, Samuel Wc^hiugton, from the payment of the money 
whicli is due to me for the land I sold to Philip Pendleton, lying irt 
the connt}^ of Berkeley, wlio a^sig-ned tlie same to him, the said Sairt' 
tiel, who, by ag'reement, was to pay me therefor; and wiiereas by 
seme contract, tlie purport of which was never communicated to me, 
between the said »S'fi7HHe/ and his son Thornton IVaf^Idiigton, the latter 
became possessed of the aforesaid land, without any conveyance hav^ 
ing- passed from me, either to the said Pendleton, the said Samvel, OP 
the said Thornton, and without any consideration liaving- been made, 
by which neglect, neitlier the legal nor equitable title has been ali- 
enated; it rests tlierefore with me, to declare m.y intentions concern- 
ing the premises; and thesa are, to give and bequeath the said land 
to whomsoever the said Thoniton TVas/dvgto7i, who is also dead, devis- 
ed the sn^ne, or to his heirs forever, if he died intestate, exonerating 
the estate of the said Thornton, equally with thy/cof the said Samvel^ 
from payment of the purchase money, which, v/ith interest, agreea- 
bly to the original contract with tlie said Pendleton, ivould amount to 
more than lOUO/. And whereas, tM-o other sons of my said deceased 
brother Samuel, namely, George Staptoe WasJdngton, and Lawrence 
.^ngtisiine Washington, were, by the decease of iliose to whose care 
they were committed, brought under my protection, and in conse- 
quence, have occasioned advances on my part for their education at 
college and other schools, and for their boards clothing, and other in- 
cident:\l expenses, to the amount of near five thousand dollars ovei* 
and above the sums furnished by their estate; which sum it maybe in- 
convenient for them or their father's estate to refund. I do, for these 
reasons, acquit tJiem and the said estate from the payment thereof; 
my intentiori being, that all accounts between them and me, and their 
father's estate and me shall s' and balanced. 

Item. The balance due to me from the estate of Bartholomeiu Daii' 
dndge, deceased, my wife's brother, and wluch amounted on the- 
first day cf October, 1795, to 425A as will appear by an account ren- 
dered by his deceased son, Jolm Dandiidge, who was the acting exe- 
cutor of his father's will, I release and acquit them from the payment 
thereof. And the negroes, then thirty-three in number, formerly be- 
longing to the said estate, who were taken in execution, sold and 

purchased in on my account, in the year ; and ever since have re- 

maip.ed in the possession and to the use of Jlcj-i/, widow of the said 
Bartholoinevj JDandridgp, with their increase, it is my will and desire, 
shall continue and be in her possession, without payii>g hire or mak^ 
i"^^ compensation for the same, for the time past or to come, during 
her natural life; at the expiration of which, I direct, that all of them 
who are forty years old and upward, sliall receive their freedom; and 
all xuidcr that age and above sixteen, shall serve seven years and no 
longer; and all under sixteen years, shall serve until they are twenty- 
five years of age, and then be free. And to avoid disputes respect- 
ing the ages of any of these negroes, the}^ are to be taken into tlie 
court of the county in which they reside, and the judgment tliereof. 



254 APPENDIX. 

in this relation shall be finid, and record thereof made, which may 
be adduced us ev vdcnce at any time thereafter, if disputes sboirld arise 
concerning' tbe same. And I further direct tluit the licii-s of thr- said 
■Barth. Dandridgt-, shall equally sliare the benefits arising from tlie 
services of the said negToes, according- to the tenor of this devise, 
upon the decease of tiieir mother. 

Item. If Charles Carter, who intermarried with my niece, Betty 
Lewisy'is not sufficiently secured in the title to the lots he had of me 
m the town of Fredericksburg-, it is my will and desire, tliat my exc- 
cutor« shall make such conveyances of them as the law requires to reu" 
der it perfect. 

■ Itern. To my nephew, fVm. Augustine Wasliington, and his heirs, 
if he should conceive them to be objects worth prosecuting-, a lot in 
the town of Manchester, opposite to Richmond, No. 265, drawn on 
m}^ sole account, and also the tenth of iMic or two hundred acre lots, 
and two or three half acre lots, in the city and vicinity of Richmond, 
drawn in partnership with nine others, all in the lottery of the deceas- 
ed William Bird, are given; us is also a lot which I purchased of 
John Hood, conveyed by William ^Villie and Samuel tJordon, trustees 
of the said John Hood, numbered 139, in the to\^n of Edinburgh, in 
the county of Prince George, state of Virginia. 

Item. To my nephew, Bushrod Washington, I g-ive and bequeath 
all the papers in my possession which relate to my civil and military 
administration of the affairs of tliis country; I leave to him also such. 
of my private papers as are worth preserving; and at the decease of 
my wife, and before, if she is not inclined to retain them, I give and 
bequeath my librafy of books, ahd pamplilets of every kind. 

Item. Having sold lands which I possessed in the state of Pennsyl- 
vania, and part of a tract held in equal right with George Clinton, late 
governor of IS ew- York; my share of land and interest in the Great 
Dismal Swamp, and a tract of land which I owned in the county of 
Gloucester; withholding the legal titles thereto, uiitil the considera- 
tion money should be paid; and having moreover leased and condi- 
tionally sold, as will appear by the tenor of the said leases, all my 
lands upon the Great Kenhawa, and a tract upon Hifficult Run, in tlie 
county of Loudon, it is my will and direction, that whensoever the con- 
tracts are fully and respectively con^plied with, according to the spir- 
it, true intent, and meaning thei-eof, on the part of the purchasers, 
their lieii*s or assigns, that then, and in that case, conveyances are to 
be made, agTeeable to the terms of tlie said contracts, and the money 
arising therefrom, when paid, to be vested in bank stock, the divi- 
dends whereof, as of that also, which is already vested therein, is to 
inure to my said wife, during her hfe; but tiie stock itself is to i*emaiu 
and be subject to the general distribution hereinafier directed. 

Item. To the tlarl of Buchan, I recommit "the box made of the oak 
that sheltered the brave Sir WiUiam- Wallace after the battle of Fal- 
kirk," presented to me by his lordship in terms too flattering for m.e 
to repeat, vvitii a request "to pass it, on the event of my decease, to 
the man in my country who should appear to merit it best r.pon the 
same conditions that have induced him to send it to me." Whether 
eas^'or not, to select xHii man who might comport with liis lordship's 



APPENDIX. Q55 

ppiuion in this respect, is not for me to say; but conceiving that no 
disposition of this valuable curiosity can be more eligible than the re- 
commitment of it to his own cabinet, agreeably to the original design 
of tlie Goldsmith's company of Edinburg, who presented it to him, 
and, at his request, consented that it should be transfeiTed to me, I 
do give and bequeath the same to his lordship; and in case of his de- 
cease, to his heir, with my grateful thanks for the distinguished hon- 
our of presenting it to me, and more especially for the favoui*able sen- 
timents with which he accotnpanied it. 

Jte7n To my brother, Charles Wufihington, I give and bequeath the 
gold headed cane left to me by Dr. Franklin, in his will. I add no- 
thing to it, because of the ample provision I have made for his issue. 
To the acquaintances and friends of my juvenile years, Laivrence If'ash- 
iuffton and Robert Washington, of Chotanct, I give my other two gold 
headed canes, having my arms engraved on them; and to each, as they 
will be useful where they live, I leave one of the spy-glasses, which 
constituted part of my equipage during the late war. To my com- 
patriot in arms, and old and intimate friend, Dr. Craik, I give my bu- 
reau, or, as the cabinet-makers call it, tamboiir secretary, and the cir- 
cular chair, an appendage of my study. To Dr. David Stuart, I give 
my large shaving and dressing table, and my telescope. To the Rev. 
now Briaii Lord Fairfax, I give a Bible in three large folio volumes, 
with notes, presented to me by the Rt. Rev. Thomas Wilson, bishop of 
SodorandMan. To generalise la layette, I give a pair of finely 
wrought steel pistols, taken from the enemy in the revolutionary' war. 
To my sisters in law, Haiina Was/migton, and Mildred Washington,- to 
my friends, Eleanor AV«a»\*, Hannah Washingto^n, of Fairfield, and 
Elizabeth WasJdiigton, of Hay field, I give each a mourning ring, of the 
value of one humlred dollars. These bequests are not made for the 
intrinsic value of them, but as mementos of my esteem and regard. 
To Tobias Lear, I give the use of the farm which he now holds, in vir- 
tue of a lease from me to him and his deceased wife, for and during 
their natural lives, free from rent during his life; at the expiration of 
which, it is to be disposed of as is hereinafter directed. To Sally B. 
Haynie, a distant relation of mine, I give arid bequeath three hundred 
dollars. To Sarah Green, daughter of the deceased Thomas Bishops 
and to .</7i7/. Walker, daughter of John Mton, also deceased, I give 
one hundred dollars, in consideration of tlie attachment of their 
fathers to me, each of whom having lived near forty years in my fami- 
ly. To each of my nephews, William Jivgiistine Washington, George 
Jj(nvis, George Steptoe Washington, Bushrod Washington, and Samuel 
Washington, I give one of the swords, or cutteaux, of which I may die 
possessed, and they are to choose in the order they are named. These 
swords are accompanied with an injunction, not to unsheath them for 
the purpose of shedding blood, except it be for self-defence, or in de- 
fence of their country and its rights; and in the latter case, to keep 
them unsheathed, and prefer falling v ith them in their hands, to the 
relinc[uishment thereof 

And now having gone through these specific devises, with explana- 
tions for the more correct understanding of the meaning and design of 



256 APPENDIX. 

them I proceed to the distribution of the more important parts of my 
©state, in manner following-. 

First. To my nephew, Biishrod WasJangtoti, and his heirs, partly in 
'Consideration of an intimation to his deceased father, while we were 
bachelors, and he had kindly undertaken to superintend my estate du- 
ring" my mihtary services in the former war between Great Britain and 
IPrance, tliat if I should fall therein. Mount Vernon, then less extensive 
in domain than at present, should become his property, I £»;ivc and be- 
queath all that part thereof which is comprehended within the follow- 
ing limits, viz. Beginning at the ford of Dogue run, near my mill, 
and extending along tlie road, and bounded thereby, as it now goes, 
and ever has gone, since my recollection of it, to the ford of Little 
Hunting creek, at the Gum Spring, until it comes to a knowl oppo- 
site to an bid road which formerly passed through the lower field of 
Muddyhole farm, at which, on the north side of the said road, are 
three red or Spanish oaks, marked as a corner, and a stone placed; 
thence by a line of trees to be marked rectangular, to the back line 
or outer boundary of the tract between Thomas Mason and myself; 
thence with that line easterly, now double ditching, Avith a post and 
rail fence thereon, to the run of Little Hunting creek, thence with 
that run, which is the boundary between the lands of the late H. Peake 
and me, to the tide water of the said creek; thence by that water to 
Potowmac river; thence with the river to the mouth of Bogiie creek, 
and thence with the said Dogue creek to the place of beginning at the 
aforesaid ford; containing upward of four thousand acres, be the same 
more or less, together with the mansion house and all other buikhngs 
and improvements thereon. 

Seco7id. In consideration of the consanguinity between them and 
my wife, being as nearly related to her as to mjseltj as on account of t])e 
affection I had for, and the obligation I was under to, their father, 
when living, who from his youth, had attached himself to my person, 
and followed my fortunes through the vicissitudes of the late revolu- 
tion; afterwards devoting his time to the superintendance of my pri- 
vate concerns for many } ears, v.iiilst my public employments render- 
ed it impracticable for me to do it myself, thereby atibrding me essen- 
tial services, and always performing them in a manner the most filial 
and respectful. For these reasons, I say, I give and bequeath to 
George Fayette JVashhigtori, ».nd Lcnvrence Avgiistine Washington, and 
their heirs, my estate east of Little Hunting creek, lying on the river 
Potowmac, incluchng the farm of three ImncTred and sixt} acres, leased 
Tobias Lear, as noticed before, and containing in the whole, by 
deed, two thousand and twenty-seven acres, be it more or less; which 
said estate it is my will and desire should be equitably and advan- 
tageously divided between them,, according to quantity, quality and 
other circumstances, when the youiigest shall have arrived at the age 
of twenty-one years, by three judicious and disinterested men; one to 
be chosen by each of the brothers, and the third by these two. In the 
mean time, if tlie termination of my wife's interest therein should 
have ceased, the profits arising thcijefrom are to be applied for their 
joint uses and benefit. , 

Tfdrd. J^nd whereas, it has always been my intention, since my ex- 



^ APPENDIX. "ii^^r 

fiectatlon of having issue has ceased, to consider the grandchildren 
©f my wife, in the same lig-ht as 1 do my own relations, and to act a 
friendly part by them, more especially by th-e two whom we have 
raised from their earliest infancy; namely, Eleanor Park Cnstis, and 
George IVashington Park Custis; and whereaf, the former of these 
hath lately intermarried with Laxorence Lexvis^ a son of my deceased 
sister, Betty I^e-uris, by which union the inducement to provide for 
them both has been increased; wherefore I give and bequeath to the 
said Lawrence Lexifis, and Eleanor Park Leztds, his wife, and their 
heirs, the residue of my Mount Vernon estate, not already devised to 
my nephew, Bnshrod fFasA»/t§-^o7i, comprehended within the following- 
description, viz. All the land north of the road leading from the ford 
of Dogae run to the Gum Spring, as described in the devise of the 
otJiier part of the tract to Baskrod IVasliington, until it comes to the 
stone, and three red, or Spanish oaks on the knowl; thence with the 
rectangular line to the back line, between Mr. Mason and me; thence 
with tiiat line westerly along the new double ditch to Dogue ran, by 
the tumbling t!a.n of my mill; thence with the said nm to the ford 
aforementioned; to which I add all the land I possess west of the said 
Dogue run and Dogue creek, bounded easterly and southerly tliereby; 
together with the mill, distillery, and all other houses and improve- 
ments oil the premises; making together about two thousand acres^ 
be- it more or less. 

Fourth. Actuated by the principle already mentioned, I give and 
bequeath to George WasMngton Park Cnstis, the gi-andson of my 
wife, and my ward, and to his heirs, the tract I hold on Four Mile 
Kun, in the vicinity of Alexandria, containing one thousand two hun- 
dred acres, more or less, and my entire squ'are, No. 21, in the city of 
Washington. 

Fif.h. All the rest and residue of my estate, real and personal, not 
disposed of in the manner aforesaid, in whatsoever consisting, where- 
soever lying, and wheresoever found, a schedule of which, as far as is 
recollected, with a reasonable estimate of its value, is hereimto an- 
nexed, I desire may be sold by my executors, at such times, in such 
manner, and on such credits, if an equal, valid, and satisfactory dis- 
tribu ion of fhe specific property cannot be made without, as in their 
judgment shall be most concfticive to the interest of tlie parties con- 
cerned, and the monies arising therefrom to be divided into twent}'- 
tliree equal parts, and applied as follows, viz. To WiUiam Avgnstine 
-a'ashiugton, Elizabech Spoiswood, Jane Thornton, and the heirs ot An.%, 
Jl'}h:o}i, son and daughters of my deceased brother, Aiigiimne IVa^i - 
mgton, I give and bequeath four parts, that is, one part to each of 
tiieru; to Fielding Le^vis, George Le-iuk, Robert Lexvis, Hoxoell Le-ivis, 
and Betty Carter, sons and daughter of my deceased sister Betty Levi" 
tft, I give andbequeatli five other parts, one to each of them; to George 
; Siehtoe Washington, Lawre7ice A. WasJamgton, HanmL Pif^'ks, and the 
heirs of t'hornion Waihingtoji, sons and da\Lghte]^of my deceased 
*>rother, Sairi'iel Washington, I give and bequeath the other four parts, 
one part to each of them; to Corbin Washington, and the iieirs ai Jane 
Wnsldngton, son and daughter of my deceased brother, John A. Wash- 
ingtonj I g-ive and bequeath two parts, one pail to each of them; tv 



258 APPENDIX. 

Samvel TFnshin^ton, Frances Ball, and Mildred Hammond, son and 
daug-hters of njy brother, ChGrl''s Waaldngton, I g-ive and bequeath 
three parts, one part to eacii of them, and to George F. fi'ashingion, 
Charles Aug. WanJihigtoji, and Maria Washington, sons and danghter 
of my deceased nephew, George A. JVaahingion, I give one otlier part, 
that is, to each a tliird of that part; to Eliz. Park La.7v, Martha Park 
Peter, and Eleanor Park Lerwis, I g-ive and bequeatli three otl)er 
parts, that is, a ])art to each of them; and to my nei)hews, Bvshrod 
W.ishington, and Laiv. Lewis, and to my ward, the g-randson of my wife, 
I g-ive and bequeath one other part, that is, a third thereof to each of 
them. And if it should so happen, that any of tlie persons whose 
names are here enumerated, unknown to me, should noAV be dead, or 
should die before me, that in either of these cases the heirs of such 
deceased persons, shall, notwithstanding-, derive all the benefits of 
the bequest, in the same manner as if he or she was actually living' at 
tlie time. And by way of advice, 1 recommend to my executors not 
to be ])recipitate in disposing" of the landed property, tlierein di- 
rected to be sold, if from temporary causes the sale thereof should be 
dull; experience having fully evinced, that the price of land, especial- 
ly above the falls of tlie rivers and on the western waters, has been 
prog-ressively rising; and cannot be long- checked in its increasing va- 
lue. And I particularly recommend it to such of the leg-atees, under 
this clause of my will, as can make it convenient, to take each a shire 
«f my stock in the Potowmac company, in preference to tlie amount 
of what it might sell for; being thoroughly convinced myself, that 
no vises tp whicli the money can be applied^ will be so productive as 
the tolls arising from this navigation when in full operation, and this 
from the nature of things, it must be ere long, and more especially if 
that of the Shenandoah is added thereto. 

The family vault at JMount Vernon requiring repairs, and being im- 
properly situated beside, I desire that a new one of brick, and upon 
a larger scale, may be built at the foot of what is commonly called the 
Viney!<v<l enclosure, on the ground which is mai-ked out; in which my 
remains, with those of m}^ deceased relatioi>s, now in the old vaidt, 
and siicli others of my family as may choose to be entombed there, 
may be deposited. And it is my express desii;e that my corpse may 
be interred in a private manner, withoift parade or funeral oration. 

Lastly. 1 constitute and appoint my dearly beloved wife, Martha 
Wdshuigton, mv nephews, William Angiistins Washington, Bushrod 
Washington, George Steptoe Washington, , Samuel Washington, and 
Jjaa^vence 7>u'/.9, and ,my ward George Washington Park Custis, ^\ hen 
lie sha,ll have arrived at the age of tw^nt}?^ years, executrix and exec- 
utors of this my wit^l anj) Tt;sTAMKNT; in the consfruction of which, 
it v/ill readily be perceived, tliat no ])rofe£sioiial character has been 
consulted, o3' has had any agency in tlie drau|^ht; and, that although 
it has occuf|jj|;d ij||Uiy of my leisure hours to digest, and to throw it in- 
to its present fom, it may, notwitlistanding, appear crude and incor- 
rect; but having endeavoured, to be plain and explicit in all the devises, 
ev- a at the expense of prolixity, perhaps of tautology, I hope and 
trust, that no disputes will arise concerjiing- them; but if, contrary to 
ox jcctation, thecase should be otherwise from the want of legal ex- 
prv!;;ii;ion, or the usual tecliiiical terms, or because too much or too little 



APPENDIX. 2J9 

has been said on any of the devises to be consonant xvith law, my will 
and direction expressly is, that all disputes, if U7ihappily any should 
arise, shall be decided by three impartial and intelligent men, known 
for their probity and good understanding, two to be chosen by the 
(i'sputants, each having the choice of one, and the tl'ird by those two; 
which three men thu3 chosen shall, nnfettered by law or legal con- 
structions, declare the sense of the testator's intentions; and such de- 
cision is, to all intents and purposes, to be a» binding on the parties, 
as if it had been given in the supreme court of the L-nited States. 

/// tvitneas of all and each of the things herein co7i:ained, I have set my 
hand and seal, this ninth day of Jvlyy in the year one thfyitfiand seven 
himdred and ninety,* and of the indepeiideiice of the Uidied States ih: 
tiventy fovrth. 

GEORGE WASHTXCiTOX, 
*It aJ'pccW^hc testator iind.ud ihc ■u<07-d nluQ. 



^60 



APPENDIX. 



SCHEDULE 

Of property comprehended in the foregoing" Witi., directed to be 
sold, and some of it conditionally is sold: with descriptive and ex- 
planatory notes thereto. 

IN VIRGINIA. * 



Loudon CO. Difficult Run, 
Ix)udon and Faqaier, 
Ashby's Bent, 
Chatten's Run, 
Berkley, S. fork of Boiiliskin, 
Head of Evan's m. 
lu Wormly's line, 



Fredenck, boug-ht from Mercer, 
Hampshire, on Potowmac river, 

above B. 
Gloucester, on North river, 
Nansemond, near Suftblk, one third 

of 1,119 acres. 
Great Dismal Swamp, my dividend 

thereof, 
Ohio River, Round Bottom, 
Little Kenhawa, 
Sixteen miles lower down, 
Opposite Big Bent 



Acres. 
300 


Price. 




D<tlara. 
6,666fl 


2,481 
885 

1,600 
453 
183 


gio 

8 


24,810 I 
7,080 5 


b 


2,236 
571 


20 
20 




44720c 
ll,420d 


240 
400 


15 


ibout 


3,600e 
3,600/ 


373 


8 




2,9845' 




about 


20,000A 



587 
2,314 
2,448 . 
4,395 

9,744 10 



97,440/ 



GREAT KENHAWA. 



Near the north west. 
East side above. 
Mouth of Cole river. 
Opposite thereto, 2,950 7 
Burning Spring 125 3 



Acres. 

10,180 

7,276 

2,000 

3,075 



Price. 



Charles county, 
Montgomery ditto. 



Gi*eat Meadows, 



MARYLAND. 

600 IS6 
519 12 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

234 6 

NEW-YORK. 



Mohawk river, abovt 1,000 6 

NORTH-WEST TERRITORY. 



On Little Miami, 
Ditto, 
Ditto, 



Rough creek. 
Ditto adjoining. 



339 
977 

1,235 



3,251 

KENTUCKY. 

3,000 
2,000 



5,000 



LOTS, VIZ. 

CITY OF WASHINGTON. 

Two near the capitol, square 634, cost 963 dollars, and 

with buildings, 
Kos. 5, 12, 13, and 14, the three last water lots on the 

Eastern Branch, in square 667, containing together 

34,438 square feet, :it twelve cents, 

ALEXANPRTA. 

Corner of Pitt and Prince streets, half an acre Taid out 
into buildings, three or four of wbich are let out on 
'• ST^ound rent at three dollars per foot, 
X2 , *- ' 



261 



Dollars. 



200,000* 



3,600/ 
6,228m 



1,404« 



6,000o 



16,251/) 

10,000g 

15,000r 
4,132s 

4,000/ 



262 APPENDIX. 

WINCHESTER. 

* Dolls. 
A lot in the town, of half an acre, and another in the 
commons, of about six acres, s.ipposed 400?^ 

BATH OR W VRM SPRINGS. 

Two 'r.411 situated, and had building's to the amount of 

150/. 800v 

STOCK. 

UNITED STATES. 

Six per cent. 3,746 

Ditto deferred, 1,87: 



Three per cent 



2,946 5 -^'^^^ 



6,2i6w 



POTOWMAC COMPANY. 

1' »7er,ty-four shaves, cost each 100'. sferling, I0,666jc 

J^^IES RH ER COMPANY. 

Five sliares, each cost 100 dollars, 500^ 

BANK OF COLUMBIA. 

One hundred and seventy shares, cost g40 each 6,800z 

BANK OF ALEXANDRIA. 1,000 

Be.sides twenty shares to the fi*ee school — 5. 

STOCK LIVLA^G, VIZ. 

One covering- horse, five carnage horses, four ruling 
ditto, six brood marcs, twenty working horses and 
mares, two covering- jacks, and three young- ones; 
ten she asses, forty-two working- mules, fifteen r oung-- 
tir ones, three hundred and twenty nine head of 
horned cattle, six hundred and forty head of sheep, 
and a larg-e Scock of hog-s, the precise number im- 
known. /> My manag-er has estimated this WvQ 
stock at 7,000/. but I shall set it down, in order to 
make a round sum, at 15,65S 

Ag-g-regate amount, 530,000 

NOTES. 

a This tract for the size of it is valuable, more for its situation 
than the quality of its soil, though that is good for fawning; with 



APPENDIX. 263 

St consicl" able proportion of ground that mig-ht very easily be im- 
proved into meadow. It lies on the g-reat road from the city of Wash- 
ington, Alexandria, ahd Georg-e-Tov/n, to Leesburgh and Winchcsler, 
atDifHcult Bridge; nineteen mik s from Alexandria, less from the city 
and George -Town, and not more than three from Matlldaville, at the 
g-reat falls of Potowmac. There is a valuable seat on the premises, 
and the vv'liole is conditionully sold for the sum annexed in the sched- 
ule. 

b. Wliat the selling prices of Tan 's in the vicinity of these two 
tracts are, T know not; but compared v.ith those above the ridge, and 
fjlhers below it, the value annexed will apjjear moderate; a less one 
Vv oidd not obtain them, from me. 

c. The SiU'rdtincling'laud not superior in .^oil, situation, or proper- 
ties of any sort, scFjs currently at from twenty to thirty dollars an acre. 
The lowest price is affixed to these. 

d. The observations made in the last note, apply equally to this 
tract, being in the \'icinity of them, and of similar qiiaiity, although 
it lies in another county. 

e. This tract, altho ig^h sirrJ], is'extremely valuable. It lies on Po- 
towmac riverj about twelve miles above the town of Bath, or Warm 
Springs, and is in the shape of a horse shoe, the river running almost 
ai-ound 4t. Two hundred acres of it are rich low grounds, with a 
great abujidance of the largest and finest walnut trees, which, with 
the produce of the soil, mig-ht, by mear.s of the in.proved navigation 
of the Potowmac, be brought te a slnpp'ng port with more ease, and 
at a smaller expense, than that which is transported thirty milf s on- 
ly by land. 

f. This tract is of second rate Gloucester low grounds. It lias no 
improvements thereon, but lies on navigitble water, abounding infisji 
and oysters. It was received in payment of a debt, carrxing" interest, 
and valued iivthe year 1789, by an impartial gcntlen/an, at 800/, 

N. B. It has lately been sold, and tl^ere is due thereon, a balance 
equal to what is annexed in the schedule. 

j>-, ■ These three hundred and seventy-three acres V'~x& the third part 
of undivided purchases made by the deceasf d Finding ^.ewis, ThoSi 
Walker, and myself, on full conviction that they T\ouid become valu- 
able. The land lies on the road from Suiiblk to Norfolk, touches, if 
1 am not mislaken, some part of the navig-able water of Nansemcnd 
river. The I'ich Dismal Swamp is capable of great improvement; 
and, from its situation, must become extremely val'uable. 
- h. This is an undivided interest which I held in the g-re-at Dismal 
Swamp Company, containing about four thousand acres, witii my part 
of the plantation and stock thereon, belonging to the company in 
the said swamp. 
' i. These several tracts of kmd arc of the first quality on the Ohio 
river, in the parts where they are situated, being almost, if not al- 
together, river bottom.s. The smallest of thrse tracts is actually sold 
at ten dollars an acre, but the considenition there for not received. 
The rest are equally vahiable, asid will sell as high, rspecially that 
which \ i just below the Little Kenhawa; and is opprsite to a thick 
settlement on the west side of the river. The four tracta have an ag- 



264 APPENDIX, 

gregate breadth upon tlie river of sixteen miles, and are bounded 
there by that distance. 

k. These tracts ai-e situated upon the great Kenhawa river, and the 
first four are bounded thereby for more than forty miles. It is acknow- 
ledged by all who have seen them, and of the tract containing ten thou- 
sand nine hundred and ninety acres, which I have been on myself, I 
can assert, that there is no richer or more valuable land in all that re- 
gion. They are conditionally sold for the sum mentioned in the sched- 
ule, that is, two hundred thousand dollars, and if the terms of that 
sale are not complied with, they will command considerable more. 
The tract, of which the one hundred and twenty -five acres is a moiety, 
was taken up by general Andrew Lewis and myself, for, and on ac- 
count of a bituminous spring vdiich it contains, of so inflammable a 
nature as to burn as freely as spirits, and is nearly as difficult to ex- 
tinguish. 

/. I am but little acquainted with this land, although I have once 
been on it. It w^as received, many years since, in discharge of a debt 
due to me from Daniel Jenifer Adams, at the value annexed thereto, 
and must be worth more. It is very leveU lies near the Fotowmac river. 

m. This tract hes about thirty miles above the city of Washington, 
not far from Kitoctan. It is good farming land, and by those who are 
well acquainted with, I am informed that it would sell at twelve or 
fifteen dollars per acre. 

n. This land is valuable on account of its local situation and 
other properties. It affords an exceeding good stand on Braddock's 
road from Foi-t Cumberland to Pittsburgh; and, beside a fertile soil, 
possesses a large quantity of natural meadow, fit for the scythe. It is 
distinguished by the appellation of the Great Meadows, where the 
first action with the French, in the year 1754, was fought. 

0. This is the moiety of about two thousand acres which remains 
unsold, of six thousand seventy-one acres on tlie Mohawk river, Mont- 
gomery county, in a patent granted to Daniel Coxe, in the township 
of Coxborough and CaroUna, as will appear by deed, from Marinus 
Willet and wife, to George Clinton, late governor of New York, and 
myself The latter sales have been at six dollars an acre, and what 
remains unsold wilt fetch that or more. 

p. The quality of these lands and their situation, may be known by 
the surveyor's certificates, which are filed along with the patents. 
They lie in the vicinity of Cincinnati; one tract near the mouth of the 
Little Miami; another seven, and the third ten miles up the same. I 
have beew informed that they will reucUiy command more than they 
are estimated at. 

q. For the description of those tracts in detail, see Gen. Spots- 
wood's letters, filed with the other papers relating to them. Beside 
the general good q<iality of the land, there is a vahiable bank of iron 
ore tliereon, which, when the settlement beconirs more populous, and 
settler- urc moving that way very fast, u ill -be found very valuable, as 
the Rough creek, a branch of Green river^ aff'ords ample water for 
furnaces and forges. 



APPENDIX. ^^5 



GITY OF WASmNGTON. 

V. The two lots near the capitol, in square 634, cost me nine hun- 
dred and sixty -three dollars only; but in this price I was favoured, 
on condition that I should build two brick houses, three stories hig-h 
©ach; without this reduction the selling' prices of these lots would 
have cost me about one thousand three hundred and fifty dollars. — 
These lots, with the building's on them, when completed, will stand 
me in fifteen thousand dollars at least. 

*. Lots Nos. 5, 12, 13, and 14, on the Eastern Branch, are advanta- 
g'eously situated on the water-, and althoug-h many lots much less con- 
venient have sold a great deal hig-her, I will rate these at twelve cents 
the square foot only. 

ALEXANDRIA. 

t. For this lot, though unimproved, I have refused three thoT^sfind 
five hundred dollars. It has since been laid off into proper sired lots 
for building on, three or four of which are let on ground rent forever, 
at three dollars a foot on the street; and this price is asked for both 
fronts on Pitt and Prince-Streets. 

WINCHESTER. 



I u. A« neither the lot in the town or common have any improve- 

1 ments on them, it is not easy to fix a price; but as both are well situ- 

I ated it is presumed the price annexed to them in the schedule is a 

j reasonable valuation. 

', BATH. 

V. The lots in Bath, two adjoining, cost me to the best of my recol- 
lection, between fifty and sixty pounds, twenty years ago; and the 
bviildings thereon 150?. more. Whether property there has increased 
or decreased in its value, and in what condition the houses are, I am 
ignorant; but suppose they are not valued too high. 

STOCK. 

w. These are the sums wdiich are actually flmded, and though no 
more in the aggregate than seven thousand five hundred and sixty-six 
dollars, stand me in at least ten thousand pounds, Virginia money; 
being the amount of bonded and other debts due tome, and discharg- 
ed during the war, when money had depreciated in that rate; Q^ and 
was so settled by public authority. 

X. The value anijexed to these shares is what they actually cost 
me, and is the price affixed by law; and although the present selling 
price is u.nder par, my advice to the legatees, for whose benefit they 
I are intended, especially those who can afford to lie out of the money, 
lis, that each should take and hold one; there being a moral certainty 



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